英字新聞
読売、毎日、朝日各社英字新聞の主として社説を学習研究します

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 24
EDITORIAL: The meaning behind June 23 should be shared beyond Okinawa
（社説）慰霊の日　沖縄戦の記憶、共有を

Okinawa recalled its horrifying experiences in the 1945 Battle of Okinawa and consoled the spirits of the victims on June 23, the 71st anniversary of the end of the bloody warfare. June 23 is a prefecture-designated holiday marking the end of organized fighting by Japanese troops deployed to the southern island prefecture.
　沖縄はきのう、沖縄戦の犠牲者らを悼む慰霊の日を迎えた。

More than seven decades since the end of the devastating battle in the final days of the Pacific War, many scars are left unhealed in Okinawa.
　太平洋戦争末期の沖縄戦から７１年。これほど長い時が過ぎてなお、沖縄では戦禍の傷口を見せつけられる。

U.S. military bases, for instance, occupy 10 percent of the prefecture’s land. Unexploded shells are still discovered frequently in various parts of the prefecture. The remains of the war dead are found in road construction sites.
　例えば、県土の１０％を覆う米軍基地。県内各地で頻繁に見つかる不発弾の処理。そして、道路工事現場などから見つかる戦没者の遺骨だ。

More than 100 sets of remains are uncovered every year. In the last fiscal year, which ended in March, the remains of 103 bodies were discovered. The numbers for the preceding two years were 194 and 263, respectively.
　収骨された遺骨は昨年度が１０３柱、一昨年度は１９４柱、その前年度が２６３柱と、その数は毎年１００柱を超す。

More than 200,000 people died in the Battle of Okinawa. By March this year, 185,224 sets of remains of Japanese war dead had been laid to rest at the national cemetery for people who died in the Battle of Okinawa in the Mabuni district of Itoman, the site of the last major fighting in the warfare, according to the prefectural government.
　沖縄戦では、２０万人余が死亡した。県によると、そのうち日本人の遺骨は今年３月までに１８万５２２４柱が収骨され、糸満市摩文仁（まぶに）の国立沖縄戦没者墓苑で眠っている。

The remains of nearly 3,000 Japanese victims have yet to be found.
それでもまだ３千柱近くが見つかっていないという。

In the Battle of Okinawa, 66,000 Japanese soldiers and civilians in the military services from other parts of Japan died along with 28,000 from Okinawa Prefecture. In addition, an estimated 94,000 non-military residents of the prefecture, or a quarter of the prefectural population, were killed.
　当時の軍人・軍属の死者は、県外出身者が６万６千人、沖縄県出身者は２万８千人。一般県民の死者は９万４千人と推定される。実に県民の４分の１が犠牲になった。

Although many remains are still waiting to be discovered, the task of gathering them has been left to private-sector volunteers. As a result, the work has been proceeding at a glacial pace.
　おびただしい遺骨があることはわかっているのに、収骨作業は民間ボランティア頼みで、なかなか進まなかった。

A law mandating the government to collect all remains of the war dead finally came into force in April.
In response, the government has decided to make intensive efforts to collect the remains over the next nine years. The government should take this opportunity to make up for lost time.
　ようやく今年４月、国に収骨を義務づける戦没者遺骨収集推進法が施行され、９年後までに集中的に収集することになった。これまでの遅れを取り戻してもらいたい。

The June 23 official memorial ceremony, sponsored by the prefectural government, was held at the Peace Memorial Park in Mabuni. But a spirit-consoling service was also held in front of the gate of Camp Schwab, a U.S. military base in the Henoko district of Nago.
　慰霊の日、摩文仁で開かれた県主催の全戦没者追悼式とは別に、名護市辺野古にある米軍キャンプ・シュワブのゲート前でも、慰霊祭が開かれた。

Immediately after the Battle of Okinawa ended, the U.S. military established an internment camp for Japanese civilians. Many residents of the prefecture, ranging from an estimated 20,000 to 40,000, spent several months in the camp. A number of civilian prisoners of war died in the camp from malaria, malnutrition and other reasons.
　沖縄戦直後、米軍がここに民間人の収容所を設置し、２万人とも４万人とも言われる住民が数カ月間、暮らした。その間、マラリアや栄養失調で亡くなる人が相次いだという。

The construction of Camp Schwab started around 1956. But a citizens group opposed to the proposed relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma from Ginowan in central Okinawa Prefecture to Henoko started holding the spirit-consoling service last year, believing there are still unfound remains within the camp.
　キャンプ・シュワブの建設は１９５６年ごろから始まったが、「遺骨はまだ残っているはずだ」と、米軍普天間飛行場の辺野古移設に反対する市民団体が昨年から慰霊祭を始めた。

With the law promoting the collection of war dead remains taking effect, the government has pledged to carry out such work in U.S. bases as well.
　遺骨収集推進法の施行を受けて、政府は米軍基地内の遺骨収集にも取り組むという。

The U.S. military should cooperate with efforts to ensure an early completion of the project.
米軍もぜひ協力し、一刻も早く収骨を実現してほしい。

People in Okinawa are still suffering from the excessive burden of hosting so many U.S. military bases within their prefecture. The central government has stuck stubbornly to the Futenma relocation plan despite strong opposition among people in Okinawa.
The prefecture was recently shocked by the arrest of a former U.S. Marine working as a civilian at the Kadena Air Base in the prefecture on suspicion of raping and murdering a 20-year-old woman. Her body was found in a wooded area after she went missing in late April.
　普天間飛行場の県内移設に向けた政府の強硬姿勢、米軍属による女性殺害・強姦（ごうかん）容疑事件の発生など、沖縄県民はいまも過重な基地負担にあえいでいる。

The suffering of Okinawan people due to the heavy U.S. military presence in the prefecture is inseparable from their memories of the Battle of Okinawa.
その苦悩は、沖縄戦の記憶と切り離すことはできない。

The central government and Japanese living in the mainland need to understand the full meaning of June 23 and reflect afresh on the history of suffering experienced by people in Okinawa.
　政府や本土の国民は「慰霊の日」の意味を共有し、沖縄が経験した苦難の歴史に、改めて思いを巡らす契機としたい。

The Yomiuri Shimbun
After DPRK launches, Japan must squarely face severe security situation
北ミサイル発射　安保環境の深刻化を直視せよ

The threat to the security of Japan and the United States has become more severe. We should step up our vigilance.
　日米の安全保障上の脅威が深刻化した。警戒を強めるべきだ。

North Korea has launched two missiles thought to be Musudan midrange ballistic missiles. The first missile exploded in midair, but the second flew about 400 kilometers before it plunged into the Sea of Japan. The second missile reportedly reached an altitude of more than 1,000 kilometers.
　北朝鮮が、中距離弾道ミサイル「ムスダン」とみられるミサイル２発を発射した。１発目は空中爆発したが、２発目は約４００キロ飛行し、日本海に落下した。高度も１０００キロを超したという。

Defense Minister Gen Nakatani said the launches “showed a certain degree of capability as midrange ballistic missiles.”
　中谷防衛相は、「中距離弾道ミサイルとしての一定の機能が示された」との見方を示した。

North Korea launched four missiles in April and May that all failed. It must be acknowledged that North Korea, by repeatedly conducting test launches, is steadily improving its technological competence and boosting the accuracy and capability of its missiles.
　４～５月に発射した４発は失敗に終わっていた。発射実験を重ねることで、技術力が着実に向上し、ミサイルの精度や性能が高まっていると受け止める必要がある。

Musudan missiles use mobile launchers and are estimated to have a range of up to 4,000 kilometers. Its targets are assumed to be U.S. military bases in Guam and Japan.
　ムスダンは移動式発射台を使用し、推定射程は最大４０００キロとされる。グアムや日本の米軍基地を標的に想定しているという。

U.N. Security Council sanction resolutions prohibit North Korea from launching ballistic missiles. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe criticized the launches as “clear violations” of the resolutions. “We can never condone it,” he said. This was a natural response.
　国連安全保障理事会の制裁決議は北朝鮮の弾道ミサイル発射を禁止している。安倍首相は「明白な国連決議違反だ。絶対に許せない」と非難した。当然の対応だ。

Representatives and experts from the six nations involved in talks on the North Korean nuclear issue are holding an international conference in Beijing. Officials from North Korean authorities are also taking part. Firing missiles at this particular time appears to be a demonstration of Pyongyang’s continuing nuclear and missile development, and a show of defiance directly aimed at the international community.
　北京では、北朝鮮の核問題を巡る６か国協議の代表や有識者による国際会議が開催中で、北朝鮮当局者も出席している。この時期の発射は、核・ミサイル開発続行の示威活動ともみられ、国際社会に正面から反旗を翻すものだ。

DP, JCP ignore reality

China is also escalating its maritime advances. On June 9, a Chinese military vessel entered the contiguous zone around the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture for the first time. Another military ship also intruded into Japan’s territorial waters off Kagoshima Prefecture and the contiguous zone around Kita-Daitojima island.
　中国も海洋進出をエスカレートさせている。中国軍艦は９日、尖閣諸島の接続水域に初めて進入した。鹿児島県沖の領海や、北大東島の接続水域にも入った。

Security-related bills that were passed in September 2015 permit a limited exercise of the right of collective self-defense, and make it possible for the Self-Defense Forces to defend U.S. military ships. To prepare for unforeseen situations, it is vital that the laws are appropriately implemented and continuous efforts are made to boost deterrence.
　昨年９月に成立した安全保障関連法は、集団的自衛権の行使を限定容認し、自衛隊による米軍艦船の防護を可能にした。不測の事態に備えて、安保関連法を適切に運用し、抑止力を高める努力を継続することが肝要である。

We have questions about the assertion by the Democratic Party and the Japanese Communist Party, which will collaborate in the House of Councillors election, that they still call for the abolition of the security legislation package.
　疑問なのは、参院選で共闘する民進、共産両党がなお、安保関連法の廃止を主張することだ。

DP leader Katsuya Okada emphasized the Japan-U.S. alliance must not be turned into “an alliance of blood.” While Okada made this comment during a street speech, was it not demagogy itself?
　民進党の岡田代表は、日米同盟を「血の同盟」にしてはならないと強調した。街頭演説とはいえ、扇動そのものではないか。

In connection with the abolition of the laws, Okada also explained that he “isn’t saying the DP will abolish” the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, and that the alliance will not become “distorted.” His comments can be described only as opportunism.
　岡田氏は、関連法廃止について「日米安保条約を廃棄するとは言っていない。日米同盟がおかしくなることはない」とも説明する。ご都合主義と言うほかない。

Strengthening Japan-U.S. defense cooperation based on the laws will contribute to the stability of Asia, and has been highly evaluated by the international community. The alliance relationship must not be allowed to stray off course by abolishing the laws.
　安保関連法を基盤にした日米防衛協力の強化は、アジアの安定に寄与するもので、国際社会も高く評価している。廃止によって同盟関係を迷走させてはならない。

JCP leader Kazuo Shii even went so far as saying his party would gradually dissolve the SDF, which it considers “unconstitutional.” This is unrealistic in the extreme.
　共産党の志位委員長は、「違憲」の自衛隊を段階的に解消するとまで言う。非現実的に過ぎる。

Arguments that ignore Japan’s security environment will not be able to win the support of the people.
　安保環境を無視した議論は、国民の支持を得られまい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 23, 2016)

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 22
EDITORIAL: 'Strategic voting' is a must for pivotal Upper House election
（社説）参院選　きょう公示　戦略的投票でこたえよう

Campaigning for the July 10 Upper House election kicked off on June 22.
　参院選がきょう公示される。

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is making the economy the main issue. But there is no question that constitutional amendment will also be at stake, even though Abe says it is not necessary for it to become an election issue. His reasoning is that the Diet needs to debate this subject further.
　安倍首相が前面に掲げるのは経済だ。一方、その裏に憲法改正があるのは明白だ。

Abe is more than eager to revise the Constitution. But with the prime minister giving no indication whatsoever of which parts of the Constitution he intends to rewrite and how, voters have no way of forming a judgment.
　首相は、必ずしも改憲を争点にする必要はないという。国会での議論がいまだ収斂（しゅうれん）していないというのが、その理由だ。
　しかし、改憲に意欲的な首相自身がどこをどう変えたいのかをまったく明かさないのでは、有権者は判断しようがない。

Abe is conducting politics the "wrong side up" or "back to front." Do we voters allow such an approach to escalate, or do we put the brakes on it? This Upper House election definitely carries far more weight than a mere "midterm evaluation" of the Abe administration.
　こんな逆立ちした政治の進め方に弾みをつけるのか、ブレーキをかけるのか。この参院選には「政権の中間評価」ではすまない重みがある。

NOT REFLECTING POPULAR WILL
　■民意とのねじれ

This will be the second Upper House election since Abe began his second stint as prime minister in December 2012. In retrospect, Abe became the "sole winner" by bringing both chambers of the Diet under the control of the ruling coalition with the previous Upper House election in 2013, which was seven months after the change in government from the then Democratic Party of Japan.
　安倍氏が２０１２年１２月に首相に返り咲いてから、参院選は２度目になる。振り返れば「安倍１強政治」の出発点となったのは、政権交代から７カ月後に衆参の「ねじれ」を解消した１３年の前回参院選だった。

Voters who voted for the Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner, New Komeito, now called Komeito, in that election were apparently disgusted by the inefficacy of the DPJ administration, and wanted the LDP-New Komeito coalition to stabilize politics and focus on improving the Japanese economy.
　この時に自民、公明両党に票を投じた有権者には、民主党政権の混乱にあきれ、安定した政治で景気回復に取り組んでほしいとの思いが見てとれた。

After that Upper House election three years ago, we wrote in our editorial that the government should not be "divorced from popular will."
　３年前のねじれ解消を受け、私たちは社説で「民意とのねじれを恐れよ」と書いた。

We wondered if the wages would go up for small and midsize company workers and those working outside the big cities. We wondered if the Abe administration would be able to secure revenues needed to stabilize the health-care and social security systems. And the thrust of our argument was that should Abe ignore these concerns and proceed instead with his policy of "departure from the postwar regime," he would be betraying the wishes of the people.
中小企業や地方で働く人々の賃金は上がるのか、財源を確保して医療や福祉を安定させられるのか。首相がこうした期待に応えぬまま「戦後レジームからの脱却」にかじを切れば、民意を裏切ることになるとの趣旨だ。

We believe we have been proven right, given the continuing surge of popular protest against the Abe administration since the enactment of national security legislation last year.
　昨年の安全保障関連法の制定からなお続く反対運動のうねりをみれば、この懸念は的外れではなかったと感じる。

In the upcoming election, Abe says the focal point is to seek the public's approval of his "new decision" of postponing the consumption tax hike. By stressing economic statistics such as increased tax revenues and employment, he is telling voters to decide whether they want "Abenomics" to advance or regress.
　消費増税先送りという「新しい判断」の信を問う。これが首相のいう争点だ。税収や就業者の増加といった経済指標を強調し、アベノミクスを前に進めるか後戻りさせるかと訴える。

The proper thing for Abe is to take responsibility for reneging on his promise to raise the consumption tax rate “for certain." But in not doing so, he appears to be taking advantage of the honest feelings of many people who are reluctant to "swallow the bitter medicine" of paying a higher consumption tax.
　首相は本来、増税を「確実に実施する」という約束を破った責任を取るべきだ。そうしない裏には、「苦い薬は飲みたくない」という多くの国民の率直な思いに乗じた計算が見える。

Abe has said that the victory depends on "the ruling coalition winning a majority of contested seats." Setting the goal may demonstrate his resolve, but whether he will step down if he fails to achieve that goal is anyone's guess.
　安倍氏は「与党で改選議席の過半数獲得」を勝敗ラインに掲げる。覚悟を示したかに見えるが、勝敗ラインを割れば退陣するのかは、はっきりしない。

LOW VOTER TURNOUT CONTINUES
　■低い投票率の結果

The ruling coalition of Abe's LDP and Komeito has won three national elections in a row since 2012. And one common factor among the three polls was low voter turnout.
　安倍氏率いる自民党と公明党が３連勝した１２年以降の衆参両院の選挙には、共通の特徴がある。投票率が低いのだ。

The rates were at the 59 percent level for the 2012 Lower House election and at the 52 percent level for both the 2013 Upper House election and the 2014 Lower House election. Voter turnout in 2014 was the lowest in the postwar history of Lower House elections.
　１２年衆院選で５９％台、１３年参院選と１４年衆院選はともに５２％台で、１４年は衆院選として戦後最低を記録した。

The difference is substantial from the nearly 70 percent voter turnout in the 2009 Lower House election that resulted in the historic change in government. In terms of the number of voters, 72.02 million people voted in the 2009 election, whereas only 54.74 million people did so in the 2014 election. To put this simply, about 17 million voters stopped going to the polls in the 2014 election.
　民主党へと政権交代した０９年衆院選の６９％台と比べれば、その差は大きい。投票者数でみれば、０９年の７２０２万人に対し１４年は５４７４万人。単純計算で、１７００万あまりの人が投票所に行くのをやめた。

Between 2009 and 2014, the LDP experienced both its fall from power and return to power, but there actually was no significant difference in the number of votes the party won. In the proportional representation portion, the LDP won less than one out of five votes in each election, when abstentions are taken into account.
　自民党はこの間、野党転落と政権復帰の両方を経験したが、実は得票数に大きな変動はない。比例区では、いずれの選挙でも棄権を含めたすべての有権者の５人に１人に満たない支持で推移している。

In other words, the LDP under Abe has not really gained supporters. Under the current election system, which is prone to create wasted votes, the simple fact is that the drastic decrease in the number of DPJ supporters and the increased number of abstentions have given the LDP more seats than those in proportion to the votes it has actually won.
　つまり、安倍自民党は支持者をさほど増やしているわけではない。死票が出やすい選挙制度のもと、民主党支持の激減と棄権者の増加が、自民党に得票以上に多くの議席をもたらしているに過ぎない。

The Abe administration arbitrarily "reinterpreted" the Constitution to allow the nation to exercise its right to collective self-defense, instituted the controversial state secrets protection law, and threatened freedom of the press and the public's right to know by hinting at invoking the Broadcast Law.
　解釈改憲による集団的自衛権の行使容認。特定秘密保護法の制定や、放送法を振りかざした国民の知る権利や報道の自由への威圧。

Not only has the Abe administration marginalized the constraints of the Constitution, but it is now trying to start debate on revising the Constitution without seeking the public's input in the upcoming election.
But what can we voters do about the dangers of the administration?
憲法の縛りを緩めるばかりか、選挙で問わぬままに改正論議に手をつけようという政権の危うさを目の当たりにした有権者に何ができるか。

VOTING OUT 'BAD' CANDIDATES
　■「悪さ加減」を選ぶ

"Strategic voting" is one way to use each vote effectively.
　答えの一つが、自らの一票を有効に使う「戦略的投票」だ。

This may be an unfamiliar term, but one example is to vote for candidates—even if they are not one’s best choices--who have a chance to defeat the party or candidate one definitely does not want.
　聞き慣れない言葉かもしれない。一例を挙げれば、最も評価しない候補者や政党を勝たせないため、自分にとって最善でなくとも勝つ可能性のある次善の候補に投票することだ。

Yukichi Fukuzawa (1835-1901), whom Abe often quotes in his speeches, once observed to the effect, "Government is not 'good' by nature. What needs to be borne in mind is to acknowledge the reality of how bad it is."
　首相もたびたび演説に引用する福沢諭吉は、こんな言葉を残している。
　「本来政府の性は善ならずして、注意す可（べ）きは只（ただ）その悪さ加減の如何（いかん）に在るの事実を、始めて発明することならん」（時事新報論集七）。

Political scientist Masao Maruyama (1914-1996) commented on Fukuzawa's observation after World War II: "A political choice is made on the basis of how bad something is."
政治学者の丸山真男は、戦後にこれを「政治的な選択とは〈中略〉悪さ加減の選択なのだ」（「政治的判断」）と紹介した。

The failure of the DPJ administration is still fresh in many people's minds. The low voter turnout rates that have continued since the party's fall from power apparently reflect the people's disillusionment with politics and sense of helplessness.
　民主党政権の失敗は、なお多くの有権者の記憶に生々しい。その後の低投票率には、政治への失望や無力感も反映されているのだろう。

But if nothing is done about this, not only will democracy deteriorate, but constitutionalism will also be in grave danger.
　だが、このままでは民主主義がやせ細るばかりか、立憲主義も危機に瀕（ひん）する。

Even if we don't have any candidate or party we want to support, we must make up our minds to go to the polls to stop what we see as "bad" from winning the election.
　意中の候補や政党がなくとも、「悪さ加減の選択」と割り切って投票所に足を運ぶ。

And we have until July 10 to think through how effectively we can use our two ballots--one for the single-seat electorate and the other for the proportional representation portion.
７月１０日の投票日までに、選挙区と比例区２枚の投票用紙をいかに有効に使うかを見極める。

With 2.4 million 18- and 19-year-olds voting for the first time, the older generation cannot just sit out this upcoming election.
　１８、１９歳の２４０万人もの若者を有権者として新たに迎える選挙だ。上の世代が、ただ傍観しているわけにはいかない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 17
EDITORIAL: China interprets international law to suit its convenience
（社説）中国艦侵入　法の適用も都合次第か

A Chinese naval intelligence ship entered Japanese territorial waters off Kagoshima Prefecture on June 15, just six days after Tokyo filed a strong protest over the entry of a Chinese naval frigate into Japan's contiguous zone near the disputed Senkaku Islands.
　沖縄県・尖閣諸島の接続水域に中国の軍艦が入ったのはつい先週のことだ。今度は中国海軍の情報収集艦が、鹿児島県沖の日本の領海を通過した。

Coincidence? We think not.
These incidents clearly signal China’s intention to achieve its aims while ignoring the security concerns of neighboring countries.
　これを偶発的な出来事とは、片づけられない。周辺国の懸念を無視する形で既成事実を積み重ねようとする態度が、中国側からうかがえる。

The Chinese government contends that passage of the warship through Japanese territorial waters was legal under freedom of navigation laws. China's Defense Ministry argues that the Tokara Strait south of Yakushima island in southern Japan is “a strait within territorial waters used for international navigation.”
“The Chinese warship’s passage was based on the principle of freedom of navigation that is stipulated under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,” a Chinese defense official said.
　中国政府は、今回の海域について「国際航行に使われる海峡であり、各国艦船に通過する権利がある」「航行の自由の原則に合致している」としている。国際海洋法に照らして正当だと言いたいようだ。

If the Tokara Strait is actually an international strait, as Beijing contends, it is, to be sure, open to the passage of foreign vessels, including warships, even though it lies in Japanese territorial waters.
　中国の主張どおり、現場海域が国際海峡だとすれば、確かに日本領海内であっても軍艦を含め外国船舶の通過は問題ないことになる。

But it is hard to believe that the Chinese spy ship was simply passing through the strait minding its own business. What was it actually doing?
　だが、中国艦が単に通過していただけとは考えにくい。実際に何をしていたのか。

The Chinese ship entered Japanese territorial waters shadowing Indian warships that were participating in an exercise involving Japan, the United States and India. The Chinese vessel may have been monitoring the Indian ships.
The Chinese government has not offered a clear or specific explanation for the warship's presence. It has only said the ship was engaged in “a drill in the open sea.”
日米印の合同演習に参加するインド軍艦を追う形で領海に入っており、レーダーで監視していた疑いがある。この点を中国政府は「遠海訓練」とするのみで、はっきりとは説明しない。

It was the second time for a Chinese warship to enter Japanese territorial waters since a nuclear-powered submarine was sighted around the Sakishima islands in Okinawa Prefecture in November 2004.
The submarine violated international law by entering Japanese territorial waters submerged. At that time, the Chinese government admitted that the vessel had strayed into Japanese territory by mistake.
　中国艦が日本領海に入ったのは、確認されたものでは２度目だ。前回の０４年１１月は、原子力潜水艦が潜ったまま航行したことが違法にあたり、中国政府も「誤って入った」と認めた。

During the 12 years since then, China has aggressively beefed up its Navy and become increasingly assertive in expanding its naval presence.
　その後の１２年間、中国は海軍力を強め、積極的な海洋進出の動きを隠さなくなった。

China has used its naval muscle to stake out a position without holding any talks with the countries concerned, and then tried to justify its behavior by interpreting international law in a way that suits its purpose.
周辺国と事前協議もせず、実力で事実を先行させ、あとで都合次第で法の理屈を使い正当化を図る。

If Beijing continues acting this way, tensions in both the East China Sea and the South China Sea will keep growing.
そんな行動を今後も続ければ、東シナ海も南シナ海もいっそう緊張を増す。

If China really respects the principles of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, how does it explain its moves to unilaterally draw up a demarcation line called the “nine-dash line” to claim the major part of the South China Sea and forcefully reclaim reefs in disputed areas?
　国際海洋法の原則を重視しているならば、南シナ海の大半を囲むように線引きして優先権を唱え、岩礁を強引に埋め立てることをどう説明するのか。

How can it justify its refusal to respect the ruling that the international Permanent Court of Arbitration is expected to hand down soon over the validity of China’s claim based on the line in response to a case filed by the Philippines?
フィリピンとの国際仲裁裁判を拒むことは正当化できるのか。

The foreign ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations expressed concern about the situation in the South China Sea during a June 14 meeting with their Chinese counterpart in China’s Yunnan Province.
　中国雲南省で今週開かれた中国と東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）の特別外相会議では、南シナ海問題をめぐる懸念が参加国から表明された。

China apparently wanted to highlight its close ties with ASEAN in the special foreign ministers’ meeting, but, not surprisingly, the outcome was the opposite of what was intended.
中国はＡＳＥＡＮとの協調ぶりを示したかっただろうが、逆に裏目に出たのも当然だろう。

China is one of the world's leading countries, and it should take responsibility for peace in Asia.
　中国は、アジアの平和に責任を負うべき大国である。

But China has at times ignored the rules and norms of the global community and at other times used them to justify its dubious actions. The way China has been behaving has made it impossible for its neighbors to trust it.
にもかかわらず国際社会のルールや規範を、あるときは無視したり、別の時は自己正当化の根拠にしたりでは、周辺国はとても信用することができない。

China is not only disturbing the tranquility of the high seas, it is also treating principles of international law as if they were at its disposal. We are deeply concerned about China’s attitude.
　静かであるべき海を荒立てる艦艇の動きに加え、法の原則まで我が物扱いしようとする中国政府の姿勢を憂慮する。

June 19, 2016 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Everyone needs to be needed
香山リカのココロの万華鏡 : 必要とされる実感　／東京

This year's rainy season has started in most parts of Japan. There are patients coming to my clinic complaining that they usually don't feel well around this time of year. I don't think it's just in their heads; I believe humidity and changes in atmospheric pressure are affecting them both mentally and physically.
　うっとうしい梅雨の季節となった。「この時期は調子が悪くて」と診察室で訴える患者さんも多い。ただの気の持ちようではなく、湿度や気圧の変化が微妙に心身に影響を与えるのだろう。

When the rainy season starts it reminds me of a patient I met when I was younger and working at another hospital. The patient had been hospitalized for a long time, and he was in charge of taking care of people's umbrellas when it rained. He would come to the entrance hall and take hospital visitors' umbrellas, hand them number cards and return their umbrellas in exchange for the cards when they left. The first time I went to the hospital after I was dispatched there by a university hospital, the patient came to me out of nowhere and said, "Where's your umbrella?" A bit dumbstruck, I handed him my umbrella.
　この季節になると若い頃に勤めていた病院に入院していたある患者さんのことを思い出す。長期入院していたその男性は、雨になると病室から玄関にやって来て、ぬれた傘を管理する係をしていた。外来受診のために訪れる人たちなどの傘を預かって「あなたは何番」と札をわたし、帰る際にそれと引き換えに傘をわたす。大学病院から命じられてその病院に勤務することになったとき、はじめてその病院の玄関をくぐった私に彼はいきなり「傘は？」と言った。私は少々、面食らいながら傘をさし出した。

After working at the hospital for a little while, I came to learn that there were a number of patients doing various jobs at the hospital, just like the umbrella man. It would make sense as part of a rehabilitation program if those people were scheduled to be released from the hospital, but there were no prospects of them leaving the hospital anytime soon. Then, I thought, the hospital was using them as free labor. The young hospital staff, myself included, argued that it was wrong that those people were given jobs without pay, and told them that they didn't have to work anymore. For those who kept doing their tasks despite our suggestion, we told them, rather forcibly, "Please stop doing this."
　それからその病院で働き出して、院内で彼のようにいろいろな係について作業している人がいることがわかった。もちろん、退院のめどがあるなら社会復帰のためのリハビリと考えられるが、その人たちにはそのあてもない。だとしたら、単なる労働力として使っているのと同じだ。私や病院の若いスタッフは「何の報酬もないのに院内の係をやってもらうのはおかしい」と話し合い、彼らに「もうやらなくていいです」と伝えた。それでも仕事を続ける人には、半ば強制的に「明日からここに来ないでください」などと言った。

The umbrella guy was one of those patients. I myself had repeatedly told him not to continue working and thought, "I freed him from unfair labor practices."
傘の係の男性もそのひとりで、私も何度となく「またやってるんですか。もういいんですよ」などと注意した。私は「彼を不当な労働から解放したのだ」などと思っていた。

One day, I found him sitting on his bed and chatted with him. "Are you feeling a little better now?" I asked. He then replied, "I don't like rainy days. I have nothing to do now since my job was taken away."
　ある日、病室でポツンとベッドに座っている彼と話す機会があった。「少しはラクになりましたか」と言うと、彼は答えた。
　「雨の日がいやだね。仕事も取られちゃったからね。何もすることがない」

I was taken aback by his response. I realized that even if it looked like an unfair labor practice from my perspective, he took pride in it and it had motivated him to live. If we were going to ask him to stop working, we should have given him another role to fulfill.
　私ははっとした。こちらから見ると理不尽な労働でも、彼にとってはそれが誇りであり生きがいになっていたのだ。もしそれをやめてもらうなら、何かかわりにできるような役割を用意すべきだったのではないか。

Being "right" doesn't necessarily mean we get to know how patients feel. That was what I learned from him.
正論だけでは患者さんの気持ちはくみとれない。私は、それを彼から教えられた。

Everyone, from kids to the elderly alike, wants to have something only they can do, and to feel that people need them, even if they are hospitalized. Every time it rains, I remind myself of that.
　私にしかできないこと。みんなが自分を必要としてくれるという実感。人はみなそれを求めている。たとえ病院に入院中であっても、子どもだって高齢者だって同じはずだ。雨が降るたびに私はそのことを自分に言い聞かせるようにしている。

(By Rika Kayama, Psychiatrist) （精神科医）

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 17
EDITORIAL: Abe’s silence on Constitution suggests another election trick
（社説）参院選　改憲の是非　正面から問わぬ不実

Parties have effectively started campaigning for the July 10 Upper House election, with their leaders delivering speeches on the streets and their platforms now available to the public.
　各政党の党首らが街頭演説に繰り出し、公約も出そろって参院選は事実上スタートした。

Conspicuously missing from the ruling camp’s campaign is the argument for constitutional amendments.
　その中で、与党側からぱったり聞こえなくなったのが、憲法改正をめぐる議論である。

It is widely known that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s biggest political goal is to revise the postwar Constitution.
　安倍首相の最大の政治目標が憲法改正であるのは周知の事実だ。

During the latest Diet session, Abe repeatedly expressed his desire to pursue this goal. “I intend to seek public support during the campaign for the Upper House election,” he said. “I wish to achieve (the goal) while I’m in office.”
先の国会では「参院選でも訴えていきたい」「私の在任中に成し遂げたい」と強い意欲を何度も示してきた。

But Abe has not referred to the issue even once in his campaign speeches so far.
　ところが、これまでの街頭演説では一切、触れていない。

In sharp contrast, Katsuya Okada, president of the main opposition Democratic Party, has made the issue a top priority in his campaign strategy.
Okada has clearly expressed his party’s opposition to Abe’s bid to revise war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution as one of the party’s two central campaign promises and discussed the issue with great vigor in his speeches.
　民進党の岡田代表が、安倍政権による９条改正反対を公約の２本柱のひとつに掲げ、街頭演説でも力を込めて訴えているのとは対照的だ。

The proposal to amend the Constitution is a grave political issue the Japanese public has never faced as a real possibility in the postwar era.
　憲法改正は、日本国民が戦後経験したことのない極めて大きな政治テーマだ。

If Abe wants to achieve this goal, he should cast the proposal as a principal campaign topic.
それを実行したいなら、最大の争点と位置づけてしかるべきだ。

However, Abe has been oddly quiet about this issue, a radical change from his eloquence in arguing for the initiative.
　それなのに、首相は国会中の雄弁とは打って変わって口をつぐむ。

If he is trying to prevent the touchy issue from becoming a major campaign topic, he should be accused of acting in an insincere manner.
この姿勢は不可解であり、争点隠しの意図があるなら不誠実と言わざるを得ない。

In a 26-page booklet on its campaign platform, the LDP refers to constitutional amendments only in the last two items.
　自民党が公約で憲法改正について触れているのは、２６ページの冊子の末尾の２項目だ。

The party only discusses the issue in regard to the two new combined constituencies created by combining two prefecture-based electoral districts to narrow vote-value disparities. These constituencies will be introduced in the Upper House election.
The LDP pledges to reassess the appropriateness of the method and explore options to eliminate such cross-prefecture constituencies, including a constitutional amendment.
“We will promote debate on the issue at the Commissions on the Constitution at both (Diet) houses and seek cooperation with other parties while trying to build broad public consensus for constitutional amendments,” the party’s platform says.
　この参院選から導入される、県境をまたぐ合区を解消するため、「憲法改正を含めそのあり方を検討します」とうたい、次に「衆議院・参議院の憲法審査会における議論を進め、各党との連携を図り、あわせて国民の合意形成に努め、憲法改正を目指します」と記している。

These passages appear to suggest that the LDP plans to start its constitutional amendment initiative with changes to provisions related to combined constituencies.
But LDP policy chief Tomomi Inada has not endorsed this view, saying there are various opinions about the approach.
　合区の解消から改憲に取り組むのかと思いきや、稲田政調会長は「そこはさまざまな考え方がある」とはっきりしない。

The LDP has thus left it unclear to voters which constitutional provisions it will try to change and in what ways.
　これでは憲法改正といってもどの条文を、どのように改正するのか、有権者には相変わらずわからないままだ。

The LDP’s junior coalition partner, Komeito, doesn’t even touch on constitutional amendments in its campaign platform.
Komeito chief Natsuo Yamaguchi has said amendments will not be a key campaign topic for the Upper House election because “there has been no mature debate” on the issue.
　一方、自民党と連立を組む公明党は、公約で憲法改正に触れていない。山口代表は「議論が成熟しておらず、参院選の争点にはならない」と説明する。

Neither the LDP nor Komeito is willing to make a straightforward appeal to the public to support the proposal to rewrite the Constitution.
　自民、公明の両与党とも、国民に正面から憲法改正を問おうとしない。

Under these circumstances, even if the two parties and their political allies win the two-thirds majority in the chamber needed to initiate the formal process of constitutional revision, they must not be allowed to start pursuing the initiative with sudden zeal after the election.
それで両党とその補完勢力で改憲発議に必要な３分の２の議席を得たとしても、改憲論議を一気に進めることが許されるはずがない。

The Abe administration has a history of deliberately sidestepping debate on divisive policies during election campaigns. After the ruling camp wins a majority, however, the administration suddenly starts pushing through such policies by claiming it has won a public mandate to do so.
The state secrets protection law and new national security legislation, which were enacted in 2013 and 2015, respectively, are two examples of the administration’s sneaky way to achieve its policy goals.
　安倍政権はこれまで、世論が割れる政策については選挙の際に多くを語らず、選挙で勝てば一転、「信任を得た」とばかりに突き進む手法をとってきた。特定秘密保護法や安全保障関連法の制定がその例だ。

The four kanji characters representing “constitutional amendments” are written in small print at the end of the LDP’s campaign platform. They may be a sign of the party’s intention to use such tactics again to push through its initiative to amend the Constitution. We should not allow the party to do so.
　公約の末尾に小さく書かれた「憲法改正」の４文字。これを、同様の手法を繰り返す伏線とさせるわけにはいかない。