英字新聞
読売、毎日、朝日各社英字新聞の主として社説を学習研究します

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 22
EDITORIAL: 'Strategic voting' is a must for pivotal Upper House election
（社説）参院選　きょう公示　戦略的投票でこたえよう

Campaigning for the July 10 Upper House election kicked off on June 22.
　参院選がきょう公示される。

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is making the economy the main issue. But there is no question that constitutional amendment will also be at stake, even though Abe says it is not necessary for it to become an election issue. His reasoning is that the Diet needs to debate this subject further.
　安倍首相が前面に掲げるのは経済だ。一方、その裏に憲法改正があるのは明白だ。

Abe is more than eager to revise the Constitution. But with the prime minister giving no indication whatsoever of which parts of the Constitution he intends to rewrite and how, voters have no way of forming a judgment.
　首相は、必ずしも改憲を争点にする必要はないという。国会での議論がいまだ収斂（しゅうれん）していないというのが、その理由だ。
　しかし、改憲に意欲的な首相自身がどこをどう変えたいのかをまったく明かさないのでは、有権者は判断しようがない。

Abe is conducting politics the "wrong side up" or "back to front." Do we voters allow such an approach to escalate, or do we put the brakes on it? This Upper House election definitely carries far more weight than a mere "midterm evaluation" of the Abe administration.
　こんな逆立ちした政治の進め方に弾みをつけるのか、ブレーキをかけるのか。この参院選には「政権の中間評価」ではすまない重みがある。

NOT REFLECTING POPULAR WILL
　■民意とのねじれ

This will be the second Upper House election since Abe began his second stint as prime minister in December 2012. In retrospect, Abe became the "sole winner" by bringing both chambers of the Diet under the control of the ruling coalition with the previous Upper House election in 2013, which was seven months after the change in government from the then Democratic Party of Japan.
　安倍氏が２０１２年１２月に首相に返り咲いてから、参院選は２度目になる。振り返れば「安倍１強政治」の出発点となったのは、政権交代から７カ月後に衆参の「ねじれ」を解消した１３年の前回参院選だった。

Voters who voted for the Liberal Democratic Party and its junior coalition partner, New Komeito, now called Komeito, in that election were apparently disgusted by the inefficacy of the DPJ administration, and wanted the LDP-New Komeito coalition to stabilize politics and focus on improving the Japanese economy.
　この時に自民、公明両党に票を投じた有権者には、民主党政権の混乱にあきれ、安定した政治で景気回復に取り組んでほしいとの思いが見てとれた。

After that Upper House election three years ago, we wrote in our editorial that the government should not be "divorced from popular will."
　３年前のねじれ解消を受け、私たちは社説で「民意とのねじれを恐れよ」と書いた。

We wondered if the wages would go up for small and midsize company workers and those working outside the big cities. We wondered if the Abe administration would be able to secure revenues needed to stabilize the health-care and social security systems. And the thrust of our argument was that should Abe ignore these concerns and proceed instead with his policy of "departure from the postwar regime," he would be betraying the wishes of the people.
中小企業や地方で働く人々の賃金は上がるのか、財源を確保して医療や福祉を安定させられるのか。首相がこうした期待に応えぬまま「戦後レジームからの脱却」にかじを切れば、民意を裏切ることになるとの趣旨だ。

We believe we have been proven right, given the continuing surge of popular protest against the Abe administration since the enactment of national security legislation last year.
　昨年の安全保障関連法の制定からなお続く反対運動のうねりをみれば、この懸念は的外れではなかったと感じる。

In the upcoming election, Abe says the focal point is to seek the public's approval of his "new decision" of postponing the consumption tax hike. By stressing economic statistics such as increased tax revenues and employment, he is telling voters to decide whether they want "Abenomics" to advance or regress.
　消費増税先送りという「新しい判断」の信を問う。これが首相のいう争点だ。税収や就業者の増加といった経済指標を強調し、アベノミクスを前に進めるか後戻りさせるかと訴える。

The proper thing for Abe is to take responsibility for reneging on his promise to raise the consumption tax rate “for certain." But in not doing so, he appears to be taking advantage of the honest feelings of many people who are reluctant to "swallow the bitter medicine" of paying a higher consumption tax.
　首相は本来、増税を「確実に実施する」という約束を破った責任を取るべきだ。そうしない裏には、「苦い薬は飲みたくない」という多くの国民の率直な思いに乗じた計算が見える。

Abe has said that the victory depends on "the ruling coalition winning a majority of contested seats." Setting the goal may demonstrate his resolve, but whether he will step down if he fails to achieve that goal is anyone's guess.
　安倍氏は「与党で改選議席の過半数獲得」を勝敗ラインに掲げる。覚悟を示したかに見えるが、勝敗ラインを割れば退陣するのかは、はっきりしない。

LOW VOTER TURNOUT CONTINUES
　■低い投票率の結果

The ruling coalition of Abe's LDP and Komeito has won three national elections in a row since 2012. And one common factor among the three polls was low voter turnout.
　安倍氏率いる自民党と公明党が３連勝した１２年以降の衆参両院の選挙には、共通の特徴がある。投票率が低いのだ。

The rates were at the 59 percent level for the 2012 Lower House election and at the 52 percent level for both the 2013 Upper House election and the 2014 Lower House election. Voter turnout in 2014 was the lowest in the postwar history of Lower House elections.
　１２年衆院選で５９％台、１３年参院選と１４年衆院選はともに５２％台で、１４年は衆院選として戦後最低を記録した。

The difference is substantial from the nearly 70 percent voter turnout in the 2009 Lower House election that resulted in the historic change in government. In terms of the number of voters, 72.02 million people voted in the 2009 election, whereas only 54.74 million people did so in the 2014 election. To put this simply, about 17 million voters stopped going to the polls in the 2014 election.
　民主党へと政権交代した０９年衆院選の６９％台と比べれば、その差は大きい。投票者数でみれば、０９年の７２０２万人に対し１４年は５４７４万人。単純計算で、１７００万あまりの人が投票所に行くのをやめた。

Between 2009 and 2014, the LDP experienced both its fall from power and return to power, but there actually was no significant difference in the number of votes the party won. In the proportional representation portion, the LDP won less than one out of five votes in each election, when abstentions are taken into account.
　自民党はこの間、野党転落と政権復帰の両方を経験したが、実は得票数に大きな変動はない。比例区では、いずれの選挙でも棄権を含めたすべての有権者の５人に１人に満たない支持で推移している。

In other words, the LDP under Abe has not really gained supporters. Under the current election system, which is prone to create wasted votes, the simple fact is that the drastic decrease in the number of DPJ supporters and the increased number of abstentions have given the LDP more seats than those in proportion to the votes it has actually won.
　つまり、安倍自民党は支持者をさほど増やしているわけではない。死票が出やすい選挙制度のもと、民主党支持の激減と棄権者の増加が、自民党に得票以上に多くの議席をもたらしているに過ぎない。

The Abe administration arbitrarily "reinterpreted" the Constitution to allow the nation to exercise its right to collective self-defense, instituted the controversial state secrets protection law, and threatened freedom of the press and the public's right to know by hinting at invoking the Broadcast Law.
　解釈改憲による集団的自衛権の行使容認。特定秘密保護法の制定や、放送法を振りかざした国民の知る権利や報道の自由への威圧。

Not only has the Abe administration marginalized the constraints of the Constitution, but it is now trying to start debate on revising the Constitution without seeking the public's input in the upcoming election.
But what can we voters do about the dangers of the administration?
憲法の縛りを緩めるばかりか、選挙で問わぬままに改正論議に手をつけようという政権の危うさを目の当たりにした有権者に何ができるか。

VOTING OUT 'BAD' CANDIDATES
　■「悪さ加減」を選ぶ

"Strategic voting" is one way to use each vote effectively.
　答えの一つが、自らの一票を有効に使う「戦略的投票」だ。

This may be an unfamiliar term, but one example is to vote for candidates—even if they are not one’s best choices--who have a chance to defeat the party or candidate one definitely does not want.
　聞き慣れない言葉かもしれない。一例を挙げれば、最も評価しない候補者や政党を勝たせないため、自分にとって最善でなくとも勝つ可能性のある次善の候補に投票することだ。

Yukichi Fukuzawa (1835-1901), whom Abe often quotes in his speeches, once observed to the effect, "Government is not 'good' by nature. What needs to be borne in mind is to acknowledge the reality of how bad it is."
　首相もたびたび演説に引用する福沢諭吉は、こんな言葉を残している。
　「本来政府の性は善ならずして、注意す可（べ）きは只（ただ）その悪さ加減の如何（いかん）に在るの事実を、始めて発明することならん」（時事新報論集七）。

Political scientist Masao Maruyama (1914-1996) commented on Fukuzawa's observation after World War II: "A political choice is made on the basis of how bad something is."
政治学者の丸山真男は、戦後にこれを「政治的な選択とは〈中略〉悪さ加減の選択なのだ」（「政治的判断」）と紹介した。

The failure of the DPJ administration is still fresh in many people's minds. The low voter turnout rates that have continued since the party's fall from power apparently reflect the people's disillusionment with politics and sense of helplessness.
　民主党政権の失敗は、なお多くの有権者の記憶に生々しい。その後の低投票率には、政治への失望や無力感も反映されているのだろう。

But if nothing is done about this, not only will democracy deteriorate, but constitutionalism will also be in grave danger.
　だが、このままでは民主主義がやせ細るばかりか、立憲主義も危機に瀕（ひん）する。

Even if we don't have any candidate or party we want to support, we must make up our minds to go to the polls to stop what we see as "bad" from winning the election.
　意中の候補や政党がなくとも、「悪さ加減の選択」と割り切って投票所に足を運ぶ。

And we have until July 10 to think through how effectively we can use our two ballots--one for the single-seat electorate and the other for the proportional representation portion.
７月１０日の投票日までに、選挙区と比例区２枚の投票用紙をいかに有効に使うかを見極める。

With 2.4 million 18- and 19-year-olds voting for the first time, the older generation cannot just sit out this upcoming election.
　１８、１９歳の２４０万人もの若者を有権者として新たに迎える選挙だ。上の世代が、ただ傍観しているわけにはいかない。

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 17
EDITORIAL: China interprets international law to suit its convenience
（社説）中国艦侵入　法の適用も都合次第か

A Chinese naval intelligence ship entered Japanese territorial waters off Kagoshima Prefecture on June 15, just six days after Tokyo filed a strong protest over the entry of a Chinese naval frigate into Japan's contiguous zone near the disputed Senkaku Islands.
　沖縄県・尖閣諸島の接続水域に中国の軍艦が入ったのはつい先週のことだ。今度は中国海軍の情報収集艦が、鹿児島県沖の日本の領海を通過した。

Coincidence? We think not.
These incidents clearly signal China’s intention to achieve its aims while ignoring the security concerns of neighboring countries.
　これを偶発的な出来事とは、片づけられない。周辺国の懸念を無視する形で既成事実を積み重ねようとする態度が、中国側からうかがえる。

The Chinese government contends that passage of the warship through Japanese territorial waters was legal under freedom of navigation laws. China's Defense Ministry argues that the Tokara Strait south of Yakushima island in southern Japan is “a strait within territorial waters used for international navigation.”
“The Chinese warship’s passage was based on the principle of freedom of navigation that is stipulated under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,” a Chinese defense official said.
　中国政府は、今回の海域について「国際航行に使われる海峡であり、各国艦船に通過する権利がある」「航行の自由の原則に合致している」としている。国際海洋法に照らして正当だと言いたいようだ。

If the Tokara Strait is actually an international strait, as Beijing contends, it is, to be sure, open to the passage of foreign vessels, including warships, even though it lies in Japanese territorial waters.
　中国の主張どおり、現場海域が国際海峡だとすれば、確かに日本領海内であっても軍艦を含め外国船舶の通過は問題ないことになる。

But it is hard to believe that the Chinese spy ship was simply passing through the strait minding its own business. What was it actually doing?
　だが、中国艦が単に通過していただけとは考えにくい。実際に何をしていたのか。

The Chinese ship entered Japanese territorial waters shadowing Indian warships that were participating in an exercise involving Japan, the United States and India. The Chinese vessel may have been monitoring the Indian ships.
The Chinese government has not offered a clear or specific explanation for the warship's presence. It has only said the ship was engaged in “a drill in the open sea.”
日米印の合同演習に参加するインド軍艦を追う形で領海に入っており、レーダーで監視していた疑いがある。この点を中国政府は「遠海訓練」とするのみで、はっきりとは説明しない。

It was the second time for a Chinese warship to enter Japanese territorial waters since a nuclear-powered submarine was sighted around the Sakishima islands in Okinawa Prefecture in November 2004.
The submarine violated international law by entering Japanese territorial waters submerged. At that time, the Chinese government admitted that the vessel had strayed into Japanese territory by mistake.
　中国艦が日本領海に入ったのは、確認されたものでは２度目だ。前回の０４年１１月は、原子力潜水艦が潜ったまま航行したことが違法にあたり、中国政府も「誤って入った」と認めた。

During the 12 years since then, China has aggressively beefed up its Navy and become increasingly assertive in expanding its naval presence.
　その後の１２年間、中国は海軍力を強め、積極的な海洋進出の動きを隠さなくなった。

China has used its naval muscle to stake out a position without holding any talks with the countries concerned, and then tried to justify its behavior by interpreting international law in a way that suits its purpose.
周辺国と事前協議もせず、実力で事実を先行させ、あとで都合次第で法の理屈を使い正当化を図る。

If Beijing continues acting this way, tensions in both the East China Sea and the South China Sea will keep growing.
そんな行動を今後も続ければ、東シナ海も南シナ海もいっそう緊張を増す。

If China really respects the principles of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, how does it explain its moves to unilaterally draw up a demarcation line called the “nine-dash line” to claim the major part of the South China Sea and forcefully reclaim reefs in disputed areas?
　国際海洋法の原則を重視しているならば、南シナ海の大半を囲むように線引きして優先権を唱え、岩礁を強引に埋め立てることをどう説明するのか。

How can it justify its refusal to respect the ruling that the international Permanent Court of Arbitration is expected to hand down soon over the validity of China’s claim based on the line in response to a case filed by the Philippines?
フィリピンとの国際仲裁裁判を拒むことは正当化できるのか。

The foreign ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations expressed concern about the situation in the South China Sea during a June 14 meeting with their Chinese counterpart in China’s Yunnan Province.
　中国雲南省で今週開かれた中国と東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）の特別外相会議では、南シナ海問題をめぐる懸念が参加国から表明された。

China apparently wanted to highlight its close ties with ASEAN in the special foreign ministers’ meeting, but, not surprisingly, the outcome was the opposite of what was intended.
中国はＡＳＥＡＮとの協調ぶりを示したかっただろうが、逆に裏目に出たのも当然だろう。

China is one of the world's leading countries, and it should take responsibility for peace in Asia.
　中国は、アジアの平和に責任を負うべき大国である。

But China has at times ignored the rules and norms of the global community and at other times used them to justify its dubious actions. The way China has been behaving has made it impossible for its neighbors to trust it.
にもかかわらず国際社会のルールや規範を、あるときは無視したり、別の時は自己正当化の根拠にしたりでは、周辺国はとても信用することができない。

China is not only disturbing the tranquility of the high seas, it is also treating principles of international law as if they were at its disposal. We are deeply concerned about China’s attitude.
　静かであるべき海を荒立てる艦艇の動きに加え、法の原則まで我が物扱いしようとする中国政府の姿勢を憂慮する。

June 19, 2016 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Everyone needs to be needed
香山リカのココロの万華鏡 : 必要とされる実感　／東京

This year's rainy season has started in most parts of Japan. There are patients coming to my clinic complaining that they usually don't feel well around this time of year. I don't think it's just in their heads; I believe humidity and changes in atmospheric pressure are affecting them both mentally and physically.
　うっとうしい梅雨の季節となった。「この時期は調子が悪くて」と診察室で訴える患者さんも多い。ただの気の持ちようではなく、湿度や気圧の変化が微妙に心身に影響を与えるのだろう。

When the rainy season starts it reminds me of a patient I met when I was younger and working at another hospital. The patient had been hospitalized for a long time, and he was in charge of taking care of people's umbrellas when it rained. He would come to the entrance hall and take hospital visitors' umbrellas, hand them number cards and return their umbrellas in exchange for the cards when they left. The first time I went to the hospital after I was dispatched there by a university hospital, the patient came to me out of nowhere and said, "Where's your umbrella?" A bit dumbstruck, I handed him my umbrella.
　この季節になると若い頃に勤めていた病院に入院していたある患者さんのことを思い出す。長期入院していたその男性は、雨になると病室から玄関にやって来て、ぬれた傘を管理する係をしていた。外来受診のために訪れる人たちなどの傘を預かって「あなたは何番」と札をわたし、帰る際にそれと引き換えに傘をわたす。大学病院から命じられてその病院に勤務することになったとき、はじめてその病院の玄関をくぐった私に彼はいきなり「傘は？」と言った。私は少々、面食らいながら傘をさし出した。

After working at the hospital for a little while, I came to learn that there were a number of patients doing various jobs at the hospital, just like the umbrella man. It would make sense as part of a rehabilitation program if those people were scheduled to be released from the hospital, but there were no prospects of them leaving the hospital anytime soon. Then, I thought, the hospital was using them as free labor. The young hospital staff, myself included, argued that it was wrong that those people were given jobs without pay, and told them that they didn't have to work anymore. For those who kept doing their tasks despite our suggestion, we told them, rather forcibly, "Please stop doing this."
　それからその病院で働き出して、院内で彼のようにいろいろな係について作業している人がいることがわかった。もちろん、退院のめどがあるなら社会復帰のためのリハビリと考えられるが、その人たちにはそのあてもない。だとしたら、単なる労働力として使っているのと同じだ。私や病院の若いスタッフは「何の報酬もないのに院内の係をやってもらうのはおかしい」と話し合い、彼らに「もうやらなくていいです」と伝えた。それでも仕事を続ける人には、半ば強制的に「明日からここに来ないでください」などと言った。

The umbrella guy was one of those patients. I myself had repeatedly told him not to continue working and thought, "I freed him from unfair labor practices."
傘の係の男性もそのひとりで、私も何度となく「またやってるんですか。もういいんですよ」などと注意した。私は「彼を不当な労働から解放したのだ」などと思っていた。

One day, I found him sitting on his bed and chatted with him. "Are you feeling a little better now?" I asked. He then replied, "I don't like rainy days. I have nothing to do now since my job was taken away."
　ある日、病室でポツンとベッドに座っている彼と話す機会があった。「少しはラクになりましたか」と言うと、彼は答えた。
　「雨の日がいやだね。仕事も取られちゃったからね。何もすることがない」

I was taken aback by his response. I realized that even if it looked like an unfair labor practice from my perspective, he took pride in it and it had motivated him to live. If we were going to ask him to stop working, we should have given him another role to fulfill.
　私ははっとした。こちらから見ると理不尽な労働でも、彼にとってはそれが誇りであり生きがいになっていたのだ。もしそれをやめてもらうなら、何かかわりにできるような役割を用意すべきだったのではないか。

Being "right" doesn't necessarily mean we get to know how patients feel. That was what I learned from him.
正論だけでは患者さんの気持ちはくみとれない。私は、それを彼から教えられた。

Everyone, from kids to the elderly alike, wants to have something only they can do, and to feel that people need them, even if they are hospitalized. Every time it rains, I remind myself of that.
　私にしかできないこと。みんなが自分を必要としてくれるという実感。人はみなそれを求めている。たとえ病院に入院中であっても、子どもだって高齢者だって同じはずだ。雨が降るたびに私はそのことを自分に言い聞かせるようにしている。

(By Rika Kayama, Psychiatrist) （精神科医）

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 17
EDITORIAL: Abe’s silence on Constitution suggests another election trick
（社説）参院選　改憲の是非　正面から問わぬ不実

Parties have effectively started campaigning for the July 10 Upper House election, with their leaders delivering speeches on the streets and their platforms now available to the public.
　各政党の党首らが街頭演説に繰り出し、公約も出そろって参院選は事実上スタートした。

Conspicuously missing from the ruling camp’s campaign is the argument for constitutional amendments.
　その中で、与党側からぱったり聞こえなくなったのが、憲法改正をめぐる議論である。

It is widely known that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s biggest political goal is to revise the postwar Constitution.
　安倍首相の最大の政治目標が憲法改正であるのは周知の事実だ。

During the latest Diet session, Abe repeatedly expressed his desire to pursue this goal. “I intend to seek public support during the campaign for the Upper House election,” he said. “I wish to achieve (the goal) while I’m in office.”
先の国会では「参院選でも訴えていきたい」「私の在任中に成し遂げたい」と強い意欲を何度も示してきた。

But Abe has not referred to the issue even once in his campaign speeches so far.
　ところが、これまでの街頭演説では一切、触れていない。

In sharp contrast, Katsuya Okada, president of the main opposition Democratic Party, has made the issue a top priority in his campaign strategy.
Okada has clearly expressed his party’s opposition to Abe’s bid to revise war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution as one of the party’s two central campaign promises and discussed the issue with great vigor in his speeches.
　民進党の岡田代表が、安倍政権による９条改正反対を公約の２本柱のひとつに掲げ、街頭演説でも力を込めて訴えているのとは対照的だ。

The proposal to amend the Constitution is a grave political issue the Japanese public has never faced as a real possibility in the postwar era.
　憲法改正は、日本国民が戦後経験したことのない極めて大きな政治テーマだ。

If Abe wants to achieve this goal, he should cast the proposal as a principal campaign topic.
それを実行したいなら、最大の争点と位置づけてしかるべきだ。

However, Abe has been oddly quiet about this issue, a radical change from his eloquence in arguing for the initiative.
　それなのに、首相は国会中の雄弁とは打って変わって口をつぐむ。

If he is trying to prevent the touchy issue from becoming a major campaign topic, he should be accused of acting in an insincere manner.
この姿勢は不可解であり、争点隠しの意図があるなら不誠実と言わざるを得ない。

In a 26-page booklet on its campaign platform, the LDP refers to constitutional amendments only in the last two items.
　自民党が公約で憲法改正について触れているのは、２６ページの冊子の末尾の２項目だ。

The party only discusses the issue in regard to the two new combined constituencies created by combining two prefecture-based electoral districts to narrow vote-value disparities. These constituencies will be introduced in the Upper House election.
The LDP pledges to reassess the appropriateness of the method and explore options to eliminate such cross-prefecture constituencies, including a constitutional amendment.
“We will promote debate on the issue at the Commissions on the Constitution at both (Diet) houses and seek cooperation with other parties while trying to build broad public consensus for constitutional amendments,” the party’s platform says.
　この参院選から導入される、県境をまたぐ合区を解消するため、「憲法改正を含めそのあり方を検討します」とうたい、次に「衆議院・参議院の憲法審査会における議論を進め、各党との連携を図り、あわせて国民の合意形成に努め、憲法改正を目指します」と記している。

These passages appear to suggest that the LDP plans to start its constitutional amendment initiative with changes to provisions related to combined constituencies.
But LDP policy chief Tomomi Inada has not endorsed this view, saying there are various opinions about the approach.
　合区の解消から改憲に取り組むのかと思いきや、稲田政調会長は「そこはさまざまな考え方がある」とはっきりしない。

The LDP has thus left it unclear to voters which constitutional provisions it will try to change and in what ways.
　これでは憲法改正といってもどの条文を、どのように改正するのか、有権者には相変わらずわからないままだ。

The LDP’s junior coalition partner, Komeito, doesn’t even touch on constitutional amendments in its campaign platform.
Komeito chief Natsuo Yamaguchi has said amendments will not be a key campaign topic for the Upper House election because “there has been no mature debate” on the issue.
　一方、自民党と連立を組む公明党は、公約で憲法改正に触れていない。山口代表は「議論が成熟しておらず、参院選の争点にはならない」と説明する。

Neither the LDP nor Komeito is willing to make a straightforward appeal to the public to support the proposal to rewrite the Constitution.
　自民、公明の両与党とも、国民に正面から憲法改正を問おうとしない。

Under these circumstances, even if the two parties and their political allies win the two-thirds majority in the chamber needed to initiate the formal process of constitutional revision, they must not be allowed to start pursuing the initiative with sudden zeal after the election.
それで両党とその補完勢力で改憲発議に必要な３分の２の議席を得たとしても、改憲論議を一気に進めることが許されるはずがない。

The Abe administration has a history of deliberately sidestepping debate on divisive policies during election campaigns. After the ruling camp wins a majority, however, the administration suddenly starts pushing through such policies by claiming it has won a public mandate to do so.
The state secrets protection law and new national security legislation, which were enacted in 2013 and 2015, respectively, are two examples of the administration’s sneaky way to achieve its policy goals.
　安倍政権はこれまで、世論が割れる政策については選挙の際に多くを語らず、選挙で勝てば一転、「信任を得た」とばかりに突き進む手法をとってきた。特定秘密保護法や安全保障関連法の制定がその例だ。

The four kanji characters representing “constitutional amendments” are written in small print at the end of the LDP’s campaign platform. They may be a sign of the party’s intention to use such tactics again to push through its initiative to amend the Constitution. We should not allow the party to do so.
　公約の末尾に小さく書かれた「憲法改正」の４文字。これを、同様の手法を繰り返す伏線とさせるわけにはいかない。

June 15, 2016 (Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: Political parties need to debate long-term economic policies
参院選へ　アベノミクスの行方　地に足の着いた議論を

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe says the pros and cons of the government's determination to speed up "Abenomics," the economic policy mix promoted by his government, to the maximum extent is the key point of contention in the upcoming House of Councillors election. However, it is essential to examine the results of speeding up Abenomics before evaluating the policy mix.
　アベノミクスのエンジンをもう一度、最大限にふかす。その是非を問う選挙だと安倍晋三首相は言う。だが、その判断には、これまでふかした結果がどうなったかをまず点検しなくてはならない。

Prime Minister Abe worked out a scenario of reviving the economy 3 1/2 years ago. Under the scenario, if the government and the Bank of Japan (BOJ) shared the goal of achieving an annual inflation rate of 2 percent within two years and implemented all possible policy measures to that end, Japan would overcome deflation, generate a virtual economic cycle and achieve the high growth that the country had previously experienced.
　３年半前、安倍首相が約束した経済再生のシナリオはこうだった。年２％の物価上昇目標を政府と日銀が共有し、政策をフル稼働させたら、デフレから脱却し、経済の好循環が生まれ、かつてのような高い成長が再現できる。

However, the government is far from achieving this goal.
　だが、現実は遠く及んでいない。

The inflation rate was minus 0.3 percent this April for the second consecutive month. The average real-term economic growth rate between 2013 -- shortly after Abe returned to power -- and 2015 came to 0.6 percent, far below the goal of 2 percent.
成果だけを語る危うさ
　「２年で２％達成」のはずだった物価上昇率は、３年後の今年４月、２カ月連続でマイナス０・３％だった。実質経済成長率も、政権発足後の２０１３〜１５年は平均で０・６％と、２％の目標にほど遠い。

The public is becoming increasingly pessimistic about the economy. According to a survey conducted by the BOJ, 38 percent of respondents predicted that economic conditions will worsen in a year, close to 41 percent who answered so in a survey shortly before the Abe government was formed in December 2012.
　景気に対する国民の感覚も悲観的なものに逆戻りしつつあるようだ。日銀の調査によると、１年後の景気が今より「悪くなる」と回答した人の比率が最近は３８％と、政権発足前の４１％に迫る高さだ。

Despite these scenarios, Prime Minister Abe emphasized that Abenomics has produced positive results. He often cites the ratio of job offers to job seekers, which is the highest in 24 years, as evidence of the success of his economic policy mix. However, the rise in this index is attributable to a shortage in the workforce. There is a particularly serious labor shortage in the day care and nursing care fields where there is a growing demand for human resources.
　こうした現状にもかかわらず、安倍首相はアベノミクスの「成果」を強調する。その証しとしてしばしば首相が引用するのが過去２４年で最高という有効求人倍率だ。仕事を探している人１人に対して、仕事の誘いが何件あるかという統計だが、上昇の背景にあるのは人手不足である。特に保育や介護といった、働き手がますます必要とされている分野で、深刻な人員不足が起きている。

It is difficult to secure workers in these fields because the number of people working is falling, wages are lower and workers in these fields are forced to work long hours. The rise in the ratio of job offers to job seekers due to such circumstances is never favorable but problematic.
　現役世代の人口減少に、低賃金、長時間労働が加わり、必要な人材が集まらない。そんな背景を抱えた有効求人倍率上昇は、問題でこそあれ、誇れる現象ではない。

The prime minister explains that Abenomics is producing positive results but that its effects are dampened by the world economy. However his explanation is inaccurate. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) revised downward its forecast for Japan's economic growth this year to 0.5 percent. The range of the drop and the sluggishness of economic growth in Japan is conspicuous as compared with Western countries.
　安倍首相はまた、アベノミクスはうまくいっているが、世界経済が足を引っ張っているとも説明する。だがこれも正確さを欠く。国際通貨基金の世界経済見通しによると、日本の今年の成長予測は０・５％に下方修正され、下振れの幅も成長率の低さも、欧米に比べて目立つ。

It is obvious that Abenomics is not making its intended achievements. Then why is the economic policy mix not working well?
　アベノミクスが、描いた姿になっていないのは明らかだ。では、なぜうまくいかなかったのだろうか。

The problem is that the government set unrealistic goals in the first place. Japan's economic growth rate is far lower than those of other developed countries. However, the figure is not necessarily too low considering that Japan's potential annual economic growth has declined to 0 to 0.5 percent.
　そもそも、非現実的な目標を掲げたところに誤りの始まりがあったとみるべきだ。他の先進国と比べたら確かに見劣りする日本の成長率だが、成長の実力が今や０〜０・５％まで低下していることを考えたら、必ずしも低過ぎではない。

The fact that Japan's potential economic growth has declined due largely to a decline in its population should be called into question. However, the Abe administration pictured a scenario of reviving rapid economic growth based on the assumption that a virtuous cycle of economic growth can be generated if Japan overcomes deflation.
　人口減少の影響などで成長の実力そのものが低下した点こそ問題視すべきなのに、「デフレさえ克服すれば、成長の好循環が生まれる」という高成長復活の夢を描いた。

The Abe government is still pursuing its dream of economic growth.
　そしてなお夢を追おうとする。

In September 2015, the second phase of Abenomics was unveiled under the slogan of "the dynamic engagement of all citizens." Under the policy mix, the government is aiming to increase Japan's gross domestic product to at least 600 trillion yen by 2020. This goal is based on the assumption that productivity will be raised to levels equivalent to those during the economic bubble in the late 1980s to the early 1990s. The goal is based on a hypothesis that even many experts believe is unfeasible.
　昨年９月、アベノミクスは「第２弾」にリセットされ、「１億総活躍社会」というスローガンが登場した。「２０２０年に国内総生産６００兆円以上」を目指すという。達成の前提になっているのは、バブル期と同水準の生産性の向上だ。専門家が実現性に首をかしげる仮定をもとに算出した数字なのである。

One cannot help but wonder what would happen if the government were to speed up Abenomics based on such an illusion of rapid economic growth. It must be kept in mind that the most negative aspect of Abenomics could be exposed.
　こうした高成長の幻想のもとで政策を最大限「ふかす」とどうなるか。アベノミクスに内在する最大の負の側面が露呈するのはこれからだということを忘れてはならない。

The BOJ has kept buying a massive number of government bonds. The outstanding amounts of government bonds that the central bank has amassed have exceeded those owned by commercial banks and account for about one-third of the outstanding government bonds. The amount of such bonds that the BOJ possesses will likely continue to increase.
野党も対抗軸を示せ
　日銀内に積み上がっていく巨額の国債である。すでに日銀が保有する国債の残高は民間銀行の合計を超え、発行残高の約３分の１を占める。今後も増え続けることだろう。

Risks involving the BOJ's purchase of massive amounts of government bonds would be exposed when consumer prices rise and the BOJ is forced to decrease the volumes of government bonds that the central bank buys. The government bond market has been stabilized because market players believe that bond prices will not decline because the BOJ will continue to buy them. However, if the central bank suggests it may discontinue buying massive amounts of government bonds, the prices of the bonds could plummet.
　リスクが顕在化するのは、物価が上昇し日銀が国債の購入ペースを落とさねばならなくなった時だ。「日銀が必ず買うから値下がりしない」との前提で成り立っていた市場で、最大の買い手が退くシグナルを発した途端、つり上がっていた国債の価格は暴落しかねない。

To avoid such risks, the central bank needs to continue purchasing large amounts of government bonds. However, such a practice could cause the economy to overheat, and it could become impossible to control inflation. Such risks have heightened to an alarming level. If the BOJ is to buy growing amounts of government bonds in response to the prime minister's order that Abenomics be sped up, the central bank would find it increasingly difficult to find a way out of this policy.
　回避するには、引き続き大量購入を続けねばならないが、そうすると景気が過熱し、インフレが制御できなくなる恐れがある。現在でもすでにリスクは積み上がっているが、安倍首相の「ふかせ」の号令に沿って日銀が購入額を増やせば、一段と出口はふさがる。

Neither Prime Minister Abe nor BOJ Gov. Haruhiko Kuroda will talk about these risks. During the campaign for the upcoming upper house race, ruling and opposition parties should not only evaluate Abenomics but also address such potential risks involving the policy mix.
　安倍首相も黒田東彦日銀総裁もこの最大のリスクについて語ろうとしない。選挙戦では、アベノミクスのこれまでの評価だけでなく、顕在化していないリスクについても、国民の前で議論を深める必要がある。

Opposition parties should show new economic policies to counter the unrealistic economic growth policy line in Abenomics. In particular, it is necessary to work out policy measures to respond to the population decline as the country's population is estimated to fall by 10 million over the next 15 years. The opposition parties should address the issue of accepting more foreign workers, which tends to be viewed as a taboo, in addition to reforming labor practices and expand day care services to promote women's empowerment.
　同時に野党は、アベノミクスの非現実的な成長路線に対抗する新たな経済政策を提示すべきだ。何より３０年までの１５年間で１０００万人の減少が予想される人口問題に対応した政策が必要である。女性の労働参加を広げるための働き方の改革や保育の体制充実に加え、タブー視されがちな外国人労働者の受け入れ拡大などにも踏み込んでほしい。

Policy measures that bring only short-term benefits to the public, such as the government's decision to postpone the consumption tax increase, and future visions that are overly optimistic could cause anxiety among members of the public. Due to such concerns, people continue to save money even though interest rates on their savings are almost zero while companies are hesitant to make capital investments.
　参院選前の消費増税先送りが象徴するように、目先の良い話と楽観的な将来像ばかりでは、人々は不安を抱きかねない。不安があるから、金利がゼロでも人々はお金をため続け、企業は投資に二の足を踏む。

Both the governing and opposition parties should squarely face the reality and hold in-depth debate on long-term economic policies.
　現実を直視し、将来までも見据えた政策論議に期待する。

--The Asahi Shimbun, June 15
EDITORIAL: Brexit vote worst outcome for U.K., Europe and rest of the world
（社説）英国民投票　欧州の中で歩む決断を

The outcome of Britain's June 23 referendum on whether to remain a member of the European Union has major ramifications not only for the future of Britain and Europe, but also the entire world.
　英国と欧州だけでなく、これからの世界の歩みに大きな影を落とすだろう。
　英国で２３日、欧州連合（ＥＵ）からの離脱か残留かを問う国民投票が実施される。

Sections of the British public have always harbored a deep desire to keep some distance from the EU. But if Britain actually does pull out of the EU, a major shakeup will be a certainty for the British economy as well as the global marketplace.
　英国は、ＥＵと距離を置こうとする世論が根強い国である。しかし、もし離脱となれば、英国の経済と世界の市場が大きく動揺するおそれが強い。

And the political repercussions will be incalculable. A vote to "Leave" would create a rift in Europe's solidarity over many of its shared problems with respect to immigration and counterterrorism.
　政治的な波紋ははかり知れない。難民問題やテロなど多くの課題を抱える欧州の結束にひびが入るのは間違いない。

The EU's influence on the rest of the world would weaken, and that could well affect the way international law on human rights and democracy is upheld by the international community.
　ＥＵの対外的な影響力がそがれ、国際社会で掲げてきた人権や民主主義、国際法による秩序にも影響を及ぼしかねない。

The departure from the EU by any of its current members is bound to reverse the trend toward European integration that has been in place since the 1950s.
　どの国であれＥＵ離脱となれば、１９５０年代から続いてきた欧州の統合の流れが大きく後退することになる。

In this age of ever-increasing traffic of people and goods across international borders, any momentum toward isolation will render it even more difficult to resolve global problems.
　人や物の流れがますます国の垣根を越える時代に、一国に閉じこもろうとする動きが広がれば、地球規模の問題の解決はいっそう遠のくだろう。

Britain is a major power that ought to be a acting as a strong leader in encouraging international cooperation, not a nation that turns its back on European unity to try to go it alone. We strongly hope Britain will choose to remain in the EU.
　英国は、国際協調を力強くリードすべき主要国の一つであり、結束に背を向けて単独行動に走る国であってはなるまい。ＥＵに残留する道を選んでもらいたい。

Instead of parting ways with the rest of Europe, we hope Britain will continue as a member of the EU and cooperate with all countries while seeking its own prosperity.
　英国は欧州各国とたもとを分かつのでなく、欧州の一員として歩み、協力を進めつつ、自国の繁栄の道を探ってほしい。

In past opinion polls, British public opinion tended to be more in favor of remaining in the Union than against. However, the pendulum has begun to swing in recent weeks.
　これまでの世論調査では、残留を望む声がおおむね優位だった。しかし、ここ何週間か離脱派が追い上げている。


One of the main reasons for this is said to be the immigrant issue. There is a growing call in Britain for it to be free of the EU's immigrant policy so that it can explore its own destiny.
　その背景にある大きな理由の一つは移民の問題だという。ＥＵの政策に縛られず、独自に移民の流入を絞る道を探るべきだという声が強まっている。

As evidenced by the "Trump phenomenon" in the United States and the surge of ultra-right forces in parts of Europe, an isolationist mentality is spreading around the world. British public opinion seems to have been influenced by this.
　米国のトランプ現象や欧州各国での右翼の伸長など、国を閉ざそうという内向きの意識は、世界に広がっている。英国の世論も、そんな風潮に流されているようだ。

But we want British citizens to stop and think: That the only reason Britain managed to pull itself out of decades of postwar decline and achieve its present prosperity was that its openness to the rest of the world enabled it to benefit from the global economy. This reality can neither be changed nor denied today.
　しかし、立ち止まって考えてほしい。英国が大戦後の長い国勢の衰退から脱し、いまの繁栄を築いたのは、国を開き、グローバル経済の恩恵を受けてこそだった。そんな現実をいまさら転換しようがないだろう。

One thing that bothers us is that discussions in Britain about the June 23 referendum seem to be focused almost entirely on economic and immigrant issues, and we hear very little about how the Britons are looking at the big picture.
　懸念されるのは、英国内での議論が経済や移民など一部に集中し、大局的な論議があまり大きく聞こえてこないことだ。

What sort of relationship should Britain maintain with continental Europe? This is the sort of question that needs to be debated at length and in depth in the context of the history of civilization, until the public is truly ready to reach a consensus.
　欧州大陸とどんな関係を維持すべきか。その問いは、文明史的な視野の中で長い時間をかけて議論を重ね、国民のコンセンサスを築く性格のものである。

For the sake of the future of Britain as well as the rest of the world, we hope British citizens will make a decision that is objective and carefully thought out.
　英国と世界の未来のために、冷静な判断にもとづく決定を、英国民に期待したい。