英字新聞
読売、毎日、朝日各社英字新聞の主として社説を学習研究します

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 26
EDITORIAL: Are G-7 leaders still up to task of making world a better place?
（社説）持続する世界　Ｇ７の決意が問われる

Leaders of the Group of Seven industrialized nations gathering for the Ise-Shima Summit have a broad range of topics on their agenda that are not limited to short-term questions like how to respond to the weakening of the global economy.
　主要７カ国（Ｇ７）首脳会議（伊勢志摩サミット）が、きょう始まる。話し合うべきテーマは、世界経済への対応など直近の問題だけにとどまらない。

The ultimate question confronting them is devising ways to overcome widespread famine and poverty in the world to create a global community where people everywhere can live in peace and quiet and pass this legacy to future generations.
　世界にはびこる飢餓や貧困を克服し、国や地域を問わず人間が平穏に暮らせる地球をどう築き、将来世代に引き継ぐか。それが究極の問いだろう。

The United Nations has adopted a set of goals to end poverty and ensure a sustainable future for the human race by 2030. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were unanimously adopted by the member countries during a U.N. summit last September. This marks the first year to start trying to achieve those goals.
　２０３０年までに貧困に続き終止符を打ち、持続可能な未来を求める――。国連がそんなゴールを掲げたのが「持続可能な開発目標（ＳＤＧｓ）」だ。昨秋、国連の会合で全加盟国の一致で採択され、今年が初年である。

This will require economic growth, technological innovation and infrastructure development. It is also crucial to redress economic disparities, realize gender equality, promote public health and welfare, expand and upgrade education and respond to climate change. The SDGs include 169 specific targets in 17 areas.
　目標を達成するには、経済成長や技術革新、社会基盤整備が前提になる。さらに、格差の是正、男女平等、健康と福祉、教育の拡充、気候変動問題への対応などが欠かせない。課題は１７分野にわたり、具体的な目標は１６９項目に及ぶ。

Given the wide scope of the goals involved, this ambitious initiative could simply fizzle out.
　対象が広く、理想が高いだけに、掛け声倒れの危うさもつきまとう。

It requires united efforts among all countries, from major economic powers to developing countries and poorest nations. The agenda will test the international community’s commitment and ability to take the necessary actions.
経済大国から途上国、最貧国までが結束して歩を進めて行けるかどうか、国際社会の意思と行動力が試されよう。

In particular, the G-7 nations, which led international development with their economic might, will have to play the central role in the quest.
　とりわけ大きな責任が問われるのは、これまで国際開発を主導し、経済力に優れたＧ７だ。

Solving serious global problems created by market capitalism, such as inequality and decay, will help ensure stable economic growth.
市場主義が招いた格差や荒廃など地球のひずみの解消は、安定的な成長の実現に役立つ。

The G-7 leaders are expected to address these development goals, focusing on targets related to public health and women. Japan, which is hosting the summit, has set up a government task force to support the efforts to accomplish these goals and decided to provide funds for measures to promote stability in the Middle East and public health in the world.
　サミットでもこの開発目標を取り上げ、特に「保健」や「女性」について話し合う予定だ。議長国の日本は政府内に推進本部を設け、中東の安定や保健の充実への資金拠出を決めた。

It is vital to make steady, long-term efforts to achieve the targets under specific plans.
　具体的な計画のもとで、息長く取り組みを積み重ねることが重要だ。

The G-7 nations should announce their solid commitment to the agenda, develop plausible plans to raise the necessary funds and take actions according to the plans.
Ｇ７がしっかりと決意表明し、必要な資金をどう確保し、行動するかが問われる。

It would be desirable if the G-7 nations steadily increased their official development assistance. But all these nations are facing a fiscal crunch.
　Ｇ７各国が政府の途上国援助（ＯＤＡ）を着実に増やすことが望ましいが、どの国も財政難に悩む。

Germany and France have long proposed the introduction of a financial transaction tax, a low-rate levy imposed on a wide range of financial transactions like share sales. But the proposal has been put on ice due partly to economic stagnation in Europe.
株式などの金融取引に薄く広く課税する金融取引税の導入を独仏両国などが提唱して久しいが、景気の停滞もあって作業は進んでいない。

The efforts to raise funds for the U.N. initiative should first be focused on cracking down on tax avoidance by multinationals and rich people around the world.
　まずは国際的な大企業や富裕層の間に広がる課税逃れを封じ込めたい。

This approach would help narrow income gaps and at the same time secure money needed to achieve the development goals.
それ自体が経済格差を縮める一歩となるうえ、開発目標に充てる財源の確保にもつながりうる。

From this point of view, the G-7 needs to tackle the problem of tax havens used by people and companies all over the world to evade or reduce their tax payments in response to revelations in the Panama Papers.
　その意味でも「パナマ文書」が提起した世界規模の脱税・節税問題に正面から向き合わねばならない。

Even if the development of specific measures to deal with this problem may be left to entities like the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the G-7 should still take the leadership in establishing an effective global network for monitoring and preventing tax avoidance while securing cooperation from major emerging countries like China, Russia and India.
具体策の検討は経済協力開発機構（ＯＥＣＤ）などに委ねるとしても、中国やロシア、インドなど新興国も巻き込みながら、税逃れへの監視網を世界全体に広げていく。Ｇ７がその旗振り役を果たすべきだ。

April 3, 2016 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope: Parents need a refuge, too
香山リカのココロの万華鏡 : 親の相談機関も足りない　／東京

According to the National Police Agency (NPA), police nationwide reported 37,020 children as suspected of being abused to child consultation centers last year. It was the worst figure on record.
　警察庁の発表によると、虐待の疑いで全国の警察が昨年１年間に児童相談所に通告した子どもは３万７０２０人。過去最悪の数字だ。

What's striking about the data is that the types of abuse on the rise are different from those that were common in the past. There was a 41 percent increase in verbal abuse and other forms of emotional abuse -- the most noteworthy of which were cases in which children witnessed parents and other family members being violent toward each other.
　注目すべき点のひとつは、これまでとは違う内容の虐待が増加していることだ。「暴言を浴びせる」などの心理的虐待が４１％増。さらにこのうち、子どもの目の前で両親間の暴力などを目撃する「面前ＤＶ（ドメスティックバイオレンス）」の増加が目立っている。

Some may argue that it's not such a big problem if children are just seeing the violence and are not being targeted by it, but that's hardly the case. Children suffer deep emotional wounds when they see their father hit their mother, or their parents hit a sibling. Not only do they wonder if they might be next, they blame themselves for not being able to help the ones who are being abused.
　「危害を加えられるのではなく、暴力を目撃するくらいならたいしたことはない」と思う人もいるかもしれないが、それは違う。父親が母親をなぐる、両親が自分のきょうだいに激しい暴力をふるう、といったシーンを間近で見ると、子どもの心は深く傷つく。「次は私かもしれない」と恐怖を感じるだけではなく、「助けたいけど助けられない」「自分がかわってあげたい」といった気持ちを抱き、苦しむことになる。

One person I know told me that as a child, they had watched their younger sister always being hit by their father. When I said, "You're lucky you were never hit," the person shook their head. "I should've been the one to be hit. My sister did nothing wrong. I'm a really cruel person for having pretended to see nothing."
　かつて私が会った人は、子どものときに妹が父親からいつもなぐられるのを間近で見てきたと話してくれた。「あなたに暴力が及ばなくてよかったですね」と言うと、その人は首を横に振って言った。「私がなぐられるべきだったのです。妹は何も悪いことをしていないから。見て見ぬふりをしていた私は、本当に卑怯（ひきょう）者なのです」

The person managed to graduate from school and find work, but even when they found someone they liked, they couldn't think about dating or marriage. The person was convinced that someone who could not save their sister did not deserve to be happy.
　なんとか学校を卒業して社会人になったその人は、交際したいという人が現れてもどうしても恋愛や結婚をする気になれない。「妹を助けることもできなかった人間には幸せになる資格はない」と思い込んでいるからだ。

"You did nothing wrong. You were still a young child, so it's no surprise that you weren't able to protect your sister from the violence," I said. It took a long time for that person's sense of guilt to subside.
「あなたは何も悪くないんです。まだ幼い子どもだったのだから、妹を暴力から助け出せなくても当然ですよ」とその罪悪感を消し去るためには、長い時間がかかった。

Getting food on the table and bringing up children is difficult nowadays, and no matter how much love you have for your children, it's not hard to suddenly get the urge to hit them or blurt out that you wish they'd never been born. What, then, can be done to prevent parents from having such emotional outbursts?
　いまの時代、子育ても生活もたいへんで、いくら子どもに愛情を持っていたとしても、イライラしてつい手を上げそうになったり、「生まれなければよかったのに」などという言葉が口をついて出てきたりすることもあるかもしれない。では、親が自分の感情の爆発を防ぐためにはどうすればいいのか。

Blaming them for their violence is actually counterproductive. First, we as a society must create refuges where parents can escape to for help. Sure, there is a huge lack of daycare centers. But we also lack places where parents who are barely keeping their head above the water making a living and raising children can seek help. It is important to get insurance to cover fertility treatments. But just as pressing is the creation of a societal framework in which both parents and their children can live happily.
「親が暴力を振るうなんてとんでもない」と責めるのは逆効果だ。まずは「私を助けて」と親自身がかけ込める緊急の避難先を作ること、それしかない。保育所も足りないが、育児や生活に行き詰まった親の相談機関も足りない。不妊治療の保険適用なども大切だが、生まれた子どもたち、産んだ親たちが幸せになれるような仕組み作りも急がれる。

(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
（精神科医）

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 24
EDITORIAL: Okinawa leader Onaga is right: SOFA needs a sweeping review
（社説）日米地位協定　今度こそ抜本見直しを

Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga on May 23 urged Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to initiate a fundamental review of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), a symbol of deep resentment about the heavy U.S. military presence in Okinawa Prefecture.
“We will be told that Japan’s independence is a myth if the current Status of Forces Agreement remains unchanged,” Onaga said in his meeting with Abe over the recent slaying of a Japanese woman in Okinawa Prefecture.
　「今の地位協定のもとでは、日本の独立は『神話だ』と言われますよ」

Onaga referred to the famous remark made in a 1963 speech by then American High Commissioner Paul Caraway, who said the idea of self-government in Okinawa under U.S. military rule was nothing more than a “myth.”
　米軍政下、沖縄の自治を「神話」と言い放ったキャラウェイ高等弁務官の言葉を使って、沖縄県の翁長雄志知事がきのう、安倍首相に日米地位協定の見直しを求めた。

The governor met with Abe at the prime minister’s office in Tokyo following the arrest of an American civilian worker at a U.S. base in Okinawa Prefecture on May 19 on suspicion of abandoning the body of the victim.
The incident has sparked outbursts of anger among people in Okinawa, and a growing chorus there is calling for the removal of all U.S. bases from the prefecture.
　元米海兵隊員の軍属による女性死体遺棄事件を受け、沖縄ではいま、「全基地撤去」を求める声が広がるほど激しい怒りに包まれている。

To prevent additional crimes or accidents involving U.S. military personnel and related workers, U.S. bases in the prefecture should be consolidated and curtailed quickly.
米軍関係者による事件・事故をこれ以上繰り返さないためにも、米軍基地の整理・縮小を急ぐ必要がある。

Onaga’s demand for a revision to SOFA reflects the fact that this agreement, which grants U.S. forces stationed in Japan various privileges, has been a major factor behind the failure to stop crimes involving American soldiers and members of the “civilian component.”
　同時に、翁長知事が日米地位協定の見直しを求めるのは、米兵や軍属らによる犯罪が後を絶たない背景に、在日米軍にさまざまな特権を与えているこの協定があるとみるからだ。

Every time a base-related crime or accident took place, provisions of SOFA that restrict Japan’s criminal investigations and jurisdiction concerning such cases were roundly criticized.
　地位協定をめぐっては、これまでも米軍人や軍属による犯罪や事故が起きるたびに、日本の犯罪捜査や裁判権を制限する条項が問題となってきた。

In the latest case, the suspect, a former U.S. serviceman, was arrested by prefectural police on suspicion of committing a crime while off-duty, so no SOFA-related issue has arisen.
　今回、元米兵は公務外の容疑で県警が逮捕したため、地位協定上の問題は発生していない。

If the U.S. military had detained the suspect first, however, the transfer of his custody to Japanese authorities could have been delayed or even refused.
だが、もし米軍が先に身柄を拘束していれば、引き渡しまで時間がかかったり拒否されたりする恐れもあった。

In the 1995 rape of a Japanese schoolgirl by three off-duty U.S. servicemen in Okinawa, the United States detained the suspects and initially refused Okinawa prefectural police’s request for their handover.
　９５年に起きた少女暴行事件では、公務外の米兵ら３容疑者の身柄を米側が拘束し、県警の引き渡し請求を拒んだ。

In response to the huge wave of anger among Okinawan people triggered by the incident, Washington later agreed to an improvement in the implementation of SOFA, requiring the United States to “give sympathetic consideration” to Japanese requests for the handover of suspects before indictment in cases of vicious crimes.
　県民の強い反発でその後、凶悪事件に限って起訴前の身柄引き渡しに米側が「好意的配慮を払う」とする運用改善で合意した。

This rule has since been applied to all types of crimes. But Japanese investigations into crimes involving U.S. military personnel could still be affected by discretionary decisions by the United States.
その後、全犯罪に広がったが、米側の裁量で捜査が左右される恐れはいまも残る。

Despite the improvement, SOFA still needs a sweeping review. While the prefectural government has been demanding reform for many years, the Japanese government has refused to propose a fundamental review of the agreement for a possible revision to the United States.
　こうした運用改善が実現した例はあるものの、地位協定の改定を含む抜本的な見直しは、県の長年の要求をよそに、政府は米国に提起しようとしない。

Onaga also asked Abe to arrange a meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama during his visit to Japan.
　翁長知事はきのう、オバマ米大統領に直接面会する機会を設けるよう首相に求めた。

But Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga voiced a dim view of Onaga’s request, saying, “As a matter of course, issues in the fields of diplomacy and security will be discussed between national governments.”
しかし菅官房長官は「外交・安全保障に関わる問題は、中央政府間で協議するのは当然だ」と否定的な見方を示した。

Onaga is seeking an opportunity to hold direct talks with Obama because the central government has done nothing to solve this problem.
　その中央政府が動かないからこそ、知事は大統領との直接の面会を求めているのだろう。

Both South Korea and Germany have achieved revisions to their own status of forces agreements with the United States. Why is the Japanese government unwilling to even ask the United States to consider a revision to the unfair agreement?
　韓国やドイツは、米国との地位協定の改定を実現させている。なのになぜ、日本政府は米国に改定を求めないのか。

Later this week, Obama will come to Japan to attend this year’s summit of the Group of Seven industrial nations in Mie Prefecture.
　今週、主要国首脳会議（伊勢志摩サミット）のためにオバマ大統領が来日する。

Abe should, of course, call on Obama to take steps to prevent a recurrence and strengthen discipline on U.S. personnel and related workers. But Abe should also make specific proposals concerning a reduction in the U.S. bases in Okinawa and a revision to the agreement.
再発防止や綱紀粛正を求めるのはもちろんだが、基地縮小や地位協定の抜本見直しについても、首相から具体的に提起すべきだ。

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 22
EDITORIAL: There is simply no reason to continue Monju reactor program
（社説）もんじゅ　やはり廃炉にすべきだ

An expert council on the Monju fast-breeder reactor program started debate last week on a draft report it will submit to the science and technology ministry.
　高速増殖原型炉「もんじゅ」（福井県敦賀市）について検討している文部科学省の有識者検討会が先週、報告書案の議論に入った。

The panel’s work is a response to the Nuclear Regulation Authority’s recommendation last year that the operator of the troubled experimental reactor in Tsuruga, Fukui Prefecture, should be replaced.
After a series of revelations about omitted safety inspections and other problems, the NRA in November urged science and technology minister Hiroshi Hase to find a new entity to replace the government-backed Japan Atomic Energy Agency as the reactor’s operator.
　機器の点検漏れなどが次々と発覚したため、原子力規制委員会が昨年１１月、原子力研究開発機構（原子力機構）に代わる運営主体を探すよう馳浩・文科相に勧告した。それを受けての作業である。

But the council’s draft report, released on May 20, doesn’t name a candidate for the mission. It only mentions a set of conditions the new operator should fulfill, which are nothing new and all part of conventional wisdom.
It says, for instance, the new operator should have “the ability to develop and implement operation and maintenance plans based on the characteristics of the reactor that is still in the experimental stage.” It also says the new operator should be able to respond appropriately to the interests and needs of society.
　しかし、報告書の原案は具体的な運営主体について記さず、「研究開発段階炉の特性を踏まえた保全計画の策定・遂行能力がある」「社会の関心・要請を適切に反映できる」など、当たり前で従来も言われてきた条件を示すにとどまった。

The draft report also points to the failure of a series of reforms that have been carried out to save the trouble-plagued program. It offers no reason to believe this time is different and the proposed replacement of the operator will bring about sufficient improvements in the management of the Monju.
　案は「これまで繰り返し改革に取り組んできたが、十分な成果が上がっていない」とも指摘する。今回に限って改革が成功し、もんじゅの管理が十分改善される理屈は見当たらない。

The fast-breeder reactor requires as much as 20 billion yen ($182 million) in annual maintenance costs. In addition, there is not even an estimate of the certainly huge costs for necessary safety measures.
All these facts make a compelling case for decommissioning the reactor.
　年間２００億円もの維持費がかかり、巨額になるのが必至の安全対策費は現時点で試算すら出せていない。もんじゅは、やはり廃炉にすべきだ。

The biggest problem, as some members of the ministry panel have noted, is the lack of serious debate on the cost-effectiveness of the Monju program.
　最大の問題は検討会でも指摘が出た通り、費用対効果の議論をしていない点だ。

Who needs this program and how strong is the need? How much more money is the government ready to spend to develop and operate the reactor? These and other key questions about whether the program makes economic sense have been left unaddressed.
　もんじゅを誰がどれほど必要としていて、運転のためにどれだけのお金を投じる用意があるのか。その検討がすっぽりと抜け落ちている。

The Monju is now in a precarious position even in the government’s nuclear energy policy.
　もんじゅはいまや、国の原子力政策でも微妙な存在だ。

The reactor was once touted as the core facility for the government’s plan to establish a nuclear fuel recycling system in which plutonium extracted from spent nuclear fuel is burned in a fast-breeder reactor.
　かつては、原発の使用済み核燃料からプルトニウムを取り出し、高速増殖炉で燃やす核燃料サイクル実現に向けた中核的施設という位置づけだった。

For more than two decades since a sodium coolant leak accident in 1995, however, the Monju has remained mostly idle.
Over the period, the need for a nuclear fuel recycling system has kept diminishing. There are now few people in the private sector calling for the development of a fast-breeder reactor.
　だが、１９９５年のナトリウム漏れ事故以来２０年以上もほとんど運転できていない、その間に核燃料サイクルの必要性は薄れる一方で、民間に高速増殖炉を望む声はないに等しい。

When it drew up a research plan using the Monju three years ago, the science and technology ministry had to focus on the topic of nuclear waste disposal rather than fast-breeder reactor technology itself.
３年前に文科省がまとめたもんじゅ研究計画では、高速炉より廃棄物対策での研究を前面に打ち出すしかなかった。

Still, the government has refused to pull the plug on the Monju program because it is concerned about possible repercussions on its nuclear fuel recycling policy as a whole.
　それでも、政府がもんじゅの旗を降ろさないのは、核燃料サイクルに影響が及ぶことを警戒しているからだ。

But this vision is now almost a fantasy. If the government admits this fact, however, the issue of how to dispose of the large amounts of spent nuclear fuel stored at nuclear power plants across the nation will no doubt come under the spotlight.
　しかし、サイクルはもはや虚構に近い。政府がそう認めれば、各地の原発が抱える大量の使用済み燃料の処理問題が一気にクローズアップされるのが必至だ。

Continuing the Monju program simply to gloss over this grim reality would be too foolish.
それをごまかそうともんじゅを抱え続けるのでは、あまりに問題が大きい。

A small experimental reactor is enough and more efficient for use in research in nuclear waste disposal, which is still in a rudimentary stage. The need for such research offers no rationale for keeping the Monju program alive.
　廃棄物処理の研究は基礎段階だから小型実験炉で十分だし、その方が効率的だ。もんじゅを延命する理由にはならない。

The Yomiuri Shimbun
G-7 leaders should follow up Sendai finance meeting with deeper cooperation
Ｇ７財務相会議　サミットで協調さらに深めよ

It is important for the major advanced nations to boost cooperation to lead the global economy toward stable growth despite persistent economic uncertainty.
　不透明感を拭えない世界経済を安定成長に導くには、先進国が協調を強めることが重要だ。

The meeting of finance ministers and central bank governors from the Group of Seven major developed countries reaffirmed in Sendai that they will mobilize all three policy measures to play the leading roles in putting the world economy on track for sustainable growth: monetary policy, fiscal stimulus and structural reforms.
　仙台市で開かれた先進７か国（Ｇ７）財務相・中央銀行総裁会議は、世界経済の持続的な成長を牽引けんいんしていくため、金融政策と財政出動、構造改革の三つの政策手段を総動員することを確認した。

The participating countries shared an understanding that the global market has become more stable compared to a while ago, but it faces increasing uncertainty caused by, among other factors, Britain’s possible exit from the European Union.
　Ｇ７各国は世界経済について、一時期より市場は安定したが、英国の欧州連合（ＥＵ）離脱問題などで先行きの不確実性は増しているとの認識を共有した。

China and other emerging economies still suffer from a slowdown. It is natural for the G-7 to show determination to fulfill its responsibilities to play a leading role to boost growth.
　中国など新興国経済の減速傾向も続いている。Ｇ７が成長の先導役として、責任を果たしていく決意を示したのは当然だ。

When it came to flexible fiscal stimulus, one of the key topics at the meeting, Japan and the United States, which are positive toward such action, failed to fully bridge the gap with Germany and Britain, which place emphasis on fiscal discipline. Many of the participating countries reportedly said that perhaps it is quality that matters most in implementing fiscal stimulus measures.
　焦点だった機動的な財政出動を巡る議論では、積極的な日米と、財政規律を重んじる独英の溝は十分に埋まらなかった。多くの国から「財政出動はむしろ質が大事だ」といった声も相次いだという。

How can each country facilitate “high-quality investment” in accordance with the respective conditions to help each economy grow? Prime Minister Shinzo Abe should lead deeper discussions when he chairs the Ise-Shima summit meeting later this week.
　各国の事情に応じて、成長に資する「質の高い投資」をどう促進していくか。今週の主要国首脳会議（伊勢志摩サミット）では、議長の安倍首相の主導で、議論を深める必要があろう。

Rift over yen intervention

Meanwhile, it is worrisome that Finance Minister Taro Aso and U.S. Treasury Secretary Jacob Lew were unable to resolve their rift over foreign exchange rates when they held talks on the sidelines of the Sendai gathering.
　Ｇ７会議に合わせた日米財務相会談で、為替を巡る対立が解消しなかったのも気がかりだ。

During a press conference, Aso once again showed he would not refrain from intervening in the currency market against excessive yen rises. “[Exchange rates for the yen] over the past several weeks cannot be described as orderly,” he said.
　麻生財務相は記者会見で「（円相場の）この数週間は秩序立った動きとは言えない」と述べ、円高阻止の市場介入も辞さない考えを改めて示した。

Lew, on the other hand, issued a warning against Tokyo’s possible intervention, saying, “It’s a pretty high bar to have disorderly [currency] conditions.”
　ルー米財務長官は「無秩序な動きと呼べる基準は極めて高い」として、介入を牽制した。

Increased disagreement between Japan and the United States could encourage speculators to take advantage of the situation, thus inviting violent fluctuations in currency markets. It is important for Tokyo and Washington to communicate in detail with each other while placing their top priority on stabilizing the financial market.
　日米の不協和音が高まれば、投機筋につけ込まれて為替相場の乱高下を招く恐れもある。金融市場の安定を最優先に、日米が丁寧に意思疎通を図ることが大切だ。

In the meeting of finance ministers, the G-7 nations also agreed to step up measures against international tax evasion, following the release of the so-called Panama Papers that have revealed partially how tax havens are used. The participants also agreed to urge many other countries to join an international scheme that will allow their tax authorities to share bank account information, among other measures.
　Ｇ７会議は、タックスヘイブン（租税回避地）の実態の一端が明らかになった「パナマ文書」問題を受け、国際的な税逃れ対策の強化でも合意した。税務当局による口座情報の交換など、国際的な枠組みに多くの国の参加を促す。

Tax avoidance cannot immediately be deemed illegal, but can undermine confidence in the tax system. The summit meeting should look into rules to ensure fair international taxation.
　租税回避はただちに違法ではなくても、税への信頼を損なう。サミットで公正な国際課税のあり方の検討を進めるべきだ。

The Sendai gathering also compiled an action plan on combating the financing of terrorism. Measures include enhanced information exchange among the G-7 countries and lowering the maximum amount of cash individuals can bring into another country without reporting the sum to customs.
　テロ資金対策に関する行動計画もまとめた。Ｇ７間の情報交換の強化や、税関に申告せずに他国に持ち出せる現金の上限額引き下げなどが柱だ。

Cross-border financial transactions have to be cut off to stop terrorist organizations. The G-7 should urge other countries to also work together on this issue.
　テロ組織を追い詰めるには、国境を超えた資金の流れを断たねばならない。Ｇ７以外にも協調行動を広めたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 22, 2016)

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 21
EDITORIAL: Taiwan’s Tsai set right tone for endorsing status quo with China
（社説）台湾新総統　民意に沿う現状維持

The relationship between China and Taiwan is one of the primary factors for peace and stability in Asia.
　中国と台湾の関係は、アジアの平和と安定を考える上で鍵をにぎる問題の一つである。

Taiwan’s new president, Tsai Ing-wen, aired her thoughts about the island’s ties with China in her inaugural speech May 20.
　きのう台湾の新総統に就いた蔡英文（ツァイインウェン）氏（５９）が、亜熱帯の陽光のもと、総統府前広場で演説し、対中関係を語った。

Speaking in the subtropical sunlight in front of the Presidential Office building in Taipei, Tsai pledged to promote “stable and peaceful development” of Taiwan’s relations with China through diplomatic efforts based on “existing realities and political foundations.” This is effectively an endorsement of the status quo that has defined bilateral ties. We welcome her moderate stance toward the touchy issue.
　蔡氏は、過去を踏まえ、安定的な発展を進めると誓った。つまり、現状維持の宣言である。穏当ログイン前の続きな姿勢を歓迎したい。

The delicate and complicated cross-strait relationship requires careful and cautions handling.
　中台関係は複雑であり、慎重な対応を要する。

China regards Taiwan as a breakaway province that must unify with the mainland eventually. This is what is known as the "One China" principle.
中国は台湾を自国の一部とみなし、祖国統一をめざしている。いわゆる「一つの中国」の原則である。

Of Taiwan’s two major political parties, the Nationalist Party, or Kuomintang, accepts the “One China” principle, but with China meaning the Republic of China, not the People’s Republic of China.
　台湾では二大政党のうち、国民党は「中華人民共和国」ではなく「中華民国」として「一つの中国」を認める。

Tsai’s Democratic Progressive Party, in contrast, rejects this principle and claims that Taiwan and China are different countries.
一方、蔡氏ら民進党は「台湾は中国とは別の国家」とし、この原則を認めない。

Alarmed by Tsai’s ascent to power, Beijing has urged the new Taiwanese president to endorse the so-called 92 consensus, or an agreement allegedly reached in 1992 between Chinese and Taiwanese negotiators that both sides would accept the “One China” principle while interpreting the term China independently according to their respective positions.
　そこで中国側は「９２年コンセンサス」を蔡氏に突きつけた。１９９２年に中台の交渉当事者間で「一つの中国」を確認したとされるやりとりを指し、その受け入れを求めた。

In her speech, Tsai didn’t mention the term “92 consensus,” but acknowledged, as a “historical fact,” that the two sides “arrived at various joint acknowledgements and understandings” in 1992.
　演説で蔡氏は「９２年コンセンサス」という言葉は使わなかった。その代わり、９２年に「若干の共同認知と了解に至った。これは歴史の事実」と述べた。

The way Tsai referred to this topic may not be quite satisfactory for China. But she also refrained from mentioning her party’s position supporting Taiwan’s independence. China should appreciate her rhetoric on the issue as the strongest possible political gesture of compromise she could make.
　中国側は不満が残るかもしれない。だが、蔡氏は台湾独立をめぐる自党の立場表明も抑えている。最大限の歩み寄りを図ったと評価すべきだろう。

A majority of people in Taiwan value their identity as Taiwanese while putting much importance on exchanges with China.
　台湾住民の多くは、中国との交流を重視する一方、台湾としての主体性も大事にする。

As a result, they believe that maintaining the status quo is the best realistic option for Taiwan, subscribing to the view that the choice of either unification or independence is best left to the distant future.
だから、統一か独立かは遠い将来の課題とし、現状維持が最適と考えている。

Tsai’s speech faithfully echoes the public’s well-balanced sensibility.
　蔡氏の演説は、そうした民意のバランス感覚を誠実にくみ取ったものといえる。

The maintenance of the status quo of the China-Taiwan relationship is also reassuring for other countries in the region.
　中台関係の現状維持は、周辺国にとっても安心材料だ。

Taiwan is located close to Okinawa and the disputed Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea and maintains effective control over the largest natural island in the disputed Spratly island chain in the South China Sea.
台湾は沖縄や尖閣諸島に近く、スプラトリー（南沙）諸島で最大の自然島を実効支配している。

Taiwan is a vital player in efforts to maintain stability in the East China Sea and the South China Sea, and its related actions have direct bearings on Japan’s security.
東シナ海と南シナ海の安定に欠かせない存在であり、日本の安全保障に直結する。

Touching on the territorial disputes in the East China Sea and the South China Sea in her address, Tsai called for a cool-headed attitude on the part of all the parties involved, proposing “setting aside disputes so as to enable joint development.”
　蔡氏は演説で、東・南シナ海問題について「争いを棚上げして共同開発を」と、冷静な対応を求めた。

China should take her call seriously. It is China that is seeking to change the status quo in the region by enhancing its naval power and reclaiming reefs in disputed areas.
その訴えを、中国は真剣に受け止めるべきだろう。現状変更を志向しているのは、海軍力を強化し、岩礁を埋め立てる中国のほうだからだ。

During the previous Taiwanese administration of Ma Ying-jeou, Japan and Taiwan scored some notable diplomatic achievements, including bilateral agreements on investment, taxation and fishing.
　日本と台湾との間では、前政権下で投資協定、租税協定、漁業協定といった成果が積み重ねられた。

Japan and Taiwan have highly complementary economic relations as well as various common policy challenges, such as the aging of society, frequent natural disasters and problems related to nuclear power generation.
経済面は補完関係が強く、高齢化、多発する自然災害、原発問題など共通課題も多い。

Let us hope that cooperation between Tokyo and Taipei will make further progress under the Tsai administration.
蔡政権のもとで日台協力がさらに進むよう期待したい。