スポンサードリンク
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Enhance international cooperation to guard peace
終戦７０年 平和の堅持へ国際協調貫こう
◆安保法案成立で抑止力の向上を◆
Aug. 15 this year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II.
１５日は、７０回目の「終戦の日」である。
We should take this occasion to offer silent, sincere prayers for the repose of the souls of more than 3 million people who perished against their will in that terrible conflict, while renewing our resolve for peace.
先の大戦で心ならずも犠牲になった３００万人以上の冥福を静かに祈るとともに、平和への誓いを新たにしたい。
Mayor Tomihisa Taue of Nagasaki, in a Peace Declaration he issued on Aug. 9, made reference to the security-related bills, stating, “There is widespread unease and concern that ... the peaceful ideology of the Constitution of Japan [is] now wavering.” He went on to say, “I urge the government and the Diet to listen to these voices of unease and concern ... and conduct careful and sincere deliberations.”
長崎市の田上富久市長は９日の平和宣言で、安全保障関連法案に言及し、「憲法の平和の理念が、今揺らいでいるのではないかという不安と懸念が広がっている」と述べた。政府と国会がこの不安と懸念に耳を傾け、「慎重で真摯しんしな審議」を行うことも注文した。
Bills misunderstood
◆日米同盟は公共財だ
The set of security-related bills centering around endorsement of the exercise of Japan’s right of collective self-defense is aimed at ensuring Japan’s peace and security through strengthening defense cooperation between the Self-Defense Forces and U.S. forces and others.
集団的自衛権の行使容認を柱とする安保法案は、自衛隊と米軍などの防衛協力を強化し、日本の平和と安全を確保することを目指すものだ。
It is regrettable that the bills’ aim has been taken as meaning the exact opposite.
正反対の受け止めをされているのは残念である。
Japan in the past 70 years has never been involved in any war, including the period of Cold War between East and West and the post-Cold War days. This record was not achieved simply by the grace of the pacifism based on the Constitution.
日本はこの７０年間、東西冷戦時代もポスト冷戦期も戦争に巻き込まれなかった。これは、憲法の平和主義のお陰だけではない。
Of greater significance are efforts to found the SDF in 1954 to upgrade the country’s defense capabilities in a way better suited to the changing times, and to revise in 1960 the Japan-U.S. security treaty to steadily strengthen the bilateral alliance.
むしろ１９５４年に自衛隊を創設して、時代に即した防衛力を整備しつつ、６０年に日米安保条約を改定し、同盟関係を着実に強化してきたことが大きい。
The Japan-U.S. alliance has now been broadly recognized as an international public good conducive to stabilizing the Asian region as a whole.
日米同盟は今、アジア全体を安定させるための国際公共財として広く認知されている。
Examples illustrating the crucial importance of military might and deterrent power for the sake of defending a country’s territory and its populace are innumerable indeed, including the Korean War, the incursion by the former Soviet Union into Afghanistan, the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq and Russia’s invasion of Georgia.
朝鮮戦争や、旧ソ連によるアフガニスタンへの侵攻、イラクのクウェート侵略、ロシアのグルジア侵攻――。領土や国民を守る軍事力と抑止力の重要性を示す実例は枚挙にいとまがない。
A belief that peace can be secured merely by desiring “peace for all time” and “trusting in the justice and faith of the peace-loving peoples of the world” as stipulated in the preamble of the Constitution is no better than an idealistic theory that disregards the harsh realities of international relations.
憲法前文にある「恒久の平和を念願」し、「平和を愛する諸国民の公正と信義に信頼」するだけで平和が確保されるというのは、国際政治の冷徹なリアリズムを無視した理想論だろう。
Before the war, Japan withdrew from the the League of Nations, which was groping for ways of materializing the ideal of collective security, deliberately shattering the world order at that time.
日本は戦前、集団安全保障を模索した国際連盟を脱退し、世界秩序を破壊する側に立った。
After the war, this county, because of soul-searching about that wartime past, placed excessively strict constraints on the activities of the SDF.
戦後は、その反省から、自衛隊の活動を過度に抑制してきた。
There can be no denying that many Japanese, dependent on the United States for the nation’s security policy while blessed with peace and prosperity under the U.S.-led international order, have been apt to drift into a state of being unable to think about what should be done to secure the country’s peace and security.
米国主導の国際秩序による平和と繁栄を享受する中、安全保障政策を米国に依存し、思考停止に陥りがちだったことは否めない。
Record of trust
◆世界秩序を支える側に
The turning point came with the 1991 Gulf War. The SDF was dispatched after the fighting ended to conduct minesweeping operations and has since been involved in U.N. peacekeeping operations. The SDF built up a solid track record and steadily earned the trust of other nations.
転機は９１年の湾岸戦争だ。戦後の機雷掃海や国連平和維持活動に自衛隊を派遣して実績を積み、関係国の信頼を着実に得てきた。
The new security-related legislation, which will expand the international activities of the SDF, is an extension of this. As well as rectifying the previously overcautious interpretation of the Constitution, Japan must play its part as a nation willing to support the new international order and fulfill an appropriate level of responsibility.
自衛隊の国際活動を拡充する安保法案は、この延長線上にある。慎重過ぎた憲法解釈を適正化するとともに、新たな国際秩序を支える有志国の一翼を担い、応分の責任を果たさねばなるまい。
The United Nations, which will mark the 70th anniversary of its founding in October, is prone to dysfunction for reasons including the veto power held by the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council. It is often a stretch to say the United Nations is effectively playing a role in resolving international disputes.
今年１０月に創設７０年を迎える国際連合は、安全保障理事会の５常任理事国の拒否権などで機能不全に陥り易やすい。紛争解決に役割を十分果たしているとは言い難い。
At present, China is trumpeting its self-righteous logic in the East China and South China seas, where it is attempting to change the status quo through force. Russia is doing the same in Ukraine. Both of these nations, backed up by their massive military might, ignore international criticism of their behavior.
今、中国は東・南シナ海で、ロシアはウクライナでそれぞれ独善的な論理を振りかざし、力による現状変更を試みている。いずれも強大な軍事力を背景にし、国際社会の批判にも耳を貸さない。
For Japan, China’s military buildup and maritime expansion are serious problems. If China’s defense budget continues to grow at its current pace, in five years it will be more than four times the size of Japan’s defense budget; a decade from now, it will be almost seven times the size.
日本にとって、中国の軍備増強と海洋進出は深刻な問題だ。中国が現在のペースで国防費を伸ばせば、５年後には日本の４倍超、１０年後には７倍近くに膨らむ。
North Korea possesses several hundred ballistic missiles that can reach Japan. The threat of terrorism is spreading, as exemplified by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant extremist group.
北朝鮮は、日本を射程に収める弾道ミサイル数百発を保有する。過激派組織「イスラム国」などテロの脅威も拡散している。
To ensure Japan remains safe from these threats, it is essential to pass the security bills into law and strengthen multilayered cooperation with the United States, Australia and nations in Europe and Southeast Asia.
日本の安全を確保するには、安保法案を確実に成立させ、米国や豪州、さらに東南アジア・欧州諸国との重層的な連携を強化することが欠かせない。
Diplomacy and military affairs are closely connected with each other and form a complementary pair. Making it possible for the SDF to provide a seamless response to any situation will help prevent conflict from erupting and provide backing to support peaceful diplomacy that stabilizes the region.
外交と軍事は車の両輪として、相互補完関係にある。自衛隊による切れ目のない事態対処を可能にしておくことが、紛争を回避し、地域を安定させる平和外交を推進するための後ろ盾になろう。
Critics in some quarters have claimed the security-related bills will “make Japan a nation that can once again wage war” and “return the nation to the prewar days.” These assertions can only be described as twisted interpretations.
安保法案には、「日本を再び戦争できる国にする」「戦前に回帰するものだ」といった批判が一部にある。曲解と言うほかない。
Japan firmly pacifist
◆「戦争できる国」は曲論
Modern-day Japan is decisively different from prewar Japan in several ways. Now, Japan stands staunchly by the pacifism enshrined in the Constitution, rejects aggression and territorial expansion, and attaches great weight to international cooperation. Civilian control of the SDF remains firmly in place.
今の日本が戦前と決定的に異なるのは、憲法の平和主義を堅持し、侵略や国土拡張を否定して、国際協調を重視していることだ。文民統制（シビリアンコントロール）もしっかり確保されている。
Allowing the exercise of the right of collective self-defense, as stipulated in the new security-related bills, and expanding the SDF’s humanitarian and reconstruction support activities overseas and the logistic support it can provide to military forces of other nations, will all help reinforce international solidarity.
法案が定める集団的自衛権の行使容認や、海外における自衛隊の人道復興支援や他国軍への後方支援活動の拡充は、いずれも国際的な連帯を強固にする。
This is precisely why the overwhelming majority of nations — with the notable exceptions of China and South Korea, which have rifts with Japan over perceptions of history — highly regard and support the content of the legislation.
だからこそ、歴史認識を巡って日本と溝がある中国、韓国を除く圧倒的多数の国々が、法案内容を高く評価、支持しているのである。
Nations have extremely high expectations for the “proactive contribution to peace based on the principle of international cooperation” put forward by the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.
安倍政権の「国際協調主義に基づく積極的平和主義」に対する各国の期待は極めて高い。
The prime minister should redouble his efforts to explain the significance and necessity of the security-related bills to the public and gain greater understanding of the legislation.
安倍首相は、安保法案の意義と必要性を国民に説明し、理解を広げる努力を倍加させるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 14, 2015)
Enhance international cooperation to guard peace
終戦７０年 平和の堅持へ国際協調貫こう
◆安保法案成立で抑止力の向上を◆
Aug. 15 this year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II.
１５日は、７０回目の「終戦の日」である。
We should take this occasion to offer silent, sincere prayers for the repose of the souls of more than 3 million people who perished against their will in that terrible conflict, while renewing our resolve for peace.
先の大戦で心ならずも犠牲になった３００万人以上の冥福を静かに祈るとともに、平和への誓いを新たにしたい。
Mayor Tomihisa Taue of Nagasaki, in a Peace Declaration he issued on Aug. 9, made reference to the security-related bills, stating, “There is widespread unease and concern that ... the peaceful ideology of the Constitution of Japan [is] now wavering.” He went on to say, “I urge the government and the Diet to listen to these voices of unease and concern ... and conduct careful and sincere deliberations.”
長崎市の田上富久市長は９日の平和宣言で、安全保障関連法案に言及し、「憲法の平和の理念が、今揺らいでいるのではないかという不安と懸念が広がっている」と述べた。政府と国会がこの不安と懸念に耳を傾け、「慎重で真摯しんしな審議」を行うことも注文した。
Bills misunderstood
◆日米同盟は公共財だ
The set of security-related bills centering around endorsement of the exercise of Japan’s right of collective self-defense is aimed at ensuring Japan’s peace and security through strengthening defense cooperation between the Self-Defense Forces and U.S. forces and others.
集団的自衛権の行使容認を柱とする安保法案は、自衛隊と米軍などの防衛協力を強化し、日本の平和と安全を確保することを目指すものだ。
It is regrettable that the bills’ aim has been taken as meaning the exact opposite.
正反対の受け止めをされているのは残念である。
Japan in the past 70 years has never been involved in any war, including the period of Cold War between East and West and the post-Cold War days. This record was not achieved simply by the grace of the pacifism based on the Constitution.
日本はこの７０年間、東西冷戦時代もポスト冷戦期も戦争に巻き込まれなかった。これは、憲法の平和主義のお陰だけではない。
Of greater significance are efforts to found the SDF in 1954 to upgrade the country’s defense capabilities in a way better suited to the changing times, and to revise in 1960 the Japan-U.S. security treaty to steadily strengthen the bilateral alliance.
むしろ１９５４年に自衛隊を創設して、時代に即した防衛力を整備しつつ、６０年に日米安保条約を改定し、同盟関係を着実に強化してきたことが大きい。
The Japan-U.S. alliance has now been broadly recognized as an international public good conducive to stabilizing the Asian region as a whole.
日米同盟は今、アジア全体を安定させるための国際公共財として広く認知されている。
Examples illustrating the crucial importance of military might and deterrent power for the sake of defending a country’s territory and its populace are innumerable indeed, including the Korean War, the incursion by the former Soviet Union into Afghanistan, the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq and Russia’s invasion of Georgia.
朝鮮戦争や、旧ソ連によるアフガニスタンへの侵攻、イラクのクウェート侵略、ロシアのグルジア侵攻――。領土や国民を守る軍事力と抑止力の重要性を示す実例は枚挙にいとまがない。
A belief that peace can be secured merely by desiring “peace for all time” and “trusting in the justice and faith of the peace-loving peoples of the world” as stipulated in the preamble of the Constitution is no better than an idealistic theory that disregards the harsh realities of international relations.
憲法前文にある「恒久の平和を念願」し、「平和を愛する諸国民の公正と信義に信頼」するだけで平和が確保されるというのは、国際政治の冷徹なリアリズムを無視した理想論だろう。
Before the war, Japan withdrew from the the League of Nations, which was groping for ways of materializing the ideal of collective security, deliberately shattering the world order at that time.
日本は戦前、集団安全保障を模索した国際連盟を脱退し、世界秩序を破壊する側に立った。
After the war, this county, because of soul-searching about that wartime past, placed excessively strict constraints on the activities of the SDF.
戦後は、その反省から、自衛隊の活動を過度に抑制してきた。
There can be no denying that many Japanese, dependent on the United States for the nation’s security policy while blessed with peace and prosperity under the U.S.-led international order, have been apt to drift into a state of being unable to think about what should be done to secure the country’s peace and security.
米国主導の国際秩序による平和と繁栄を享受する中、安全保障政策を米国に依存し、思考停止に陥りがちだったことは否めない。
Record of trust
◆世界秩序を支える側に
The turning point came with the 1991 Gulf War. The SDF was dispatched after the fighting ended to conduct minesweeping operations and has since been involved in U.N. peacekeeping operations. The SDF built up a solid track record and steadily earned the trust of other nations.
転機は９１年の湾岸戦争だ。戦後の機雷掃海や国連平和維持活動に自衛隊を派遣して実績を積み、関係国の信頼を着実に得てきた。
The new security-related legislation, which will expand the international activities of the SDF, is an extension of this. As well as rectifying the previously overcautious interpretation of the Constitution, Japan must play its part as a nation willing to support the new international order and fulfill an appropriate level of responsibility.
自衛隊の国際活動を拡充する安保法案は、この延長線上にある。慎重過ぎた憲法解釈を適正化するとともに、新たな国際秩序を支える有志国の一翼を担い、応分の責任を果たさねばなるまい。
The United Nations, which will mark the 70th anniversary of its founding in October, is prone to dysfunction for reasons including the veto power held by the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council. It is often a stretch to say the United Nations is effectively playing a role in resolving international disputes.
今年１０月に創設７０年を迎える国際連合は、安全保障理事会の５常任理事国の拒否権などで機能不全に陥り易やすい。紛争解決に役割を十分果たしているとは言い難い。
At present, China is trumpeting its self-righteous logic in the East China and South China seas, where it is attempting to change the status quo through force. Russia is doing the same in Ukraine. Both of these nations, backed up by their massive military might, ignore international criticism of their behavior.
今、中国は東・南シナ海で、ロシアはウクライナでそれぞれ独善的な論理を振りかざし、力による現状変更を試みている。いずれも強大な軍事力を背景にし、国際社会の批判にも耳を貸さない。
For Japan, China’s military buildup and maritime expansion are serious problems. If China’s defense budget continues to grow at its current pace, in five years it will be more than four times the size of Japan’s defense budget; a decade from now, it will be almost seven times the size.
日本にとって、中国の軍備増強と海洋進出は深刻な問題だ。中国が現在のペースで国防費を伸ばせば、５年後には日本の４倍超、１０年後には７倍近くに膨らむ。
North Korea possesses several hundred ballistic missiles that can reach Japan. The threat of terrorism is spreading, as exemplified by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant extremist group.
北朝鮮は、日本を射程に収める弾道ミサイル数百発を保有する。過激派組織「イスラム国」などテロの脅威も拡散している。
To ensure Japan remains safe from these threats, it is essential to pass the security bills into law and strengthen multilayered cooperation with the United States, Australia and nations in Europe and Southeast Asia.
日本の安全を確保するには、安保法案を確実に成立させ、米国や豪州、さらに東南アジア・欧州諸国との重層的な連携を強化することが欠かせない。
Diplomacy and military affairs are closely connected with each other and form a complementary pair. Making it possible for the SDF to provide a seamless response to any situation will help prevent conflict from erupting and provide backing to support peaceful diplomacy that stabilizes the region.
外交と軍事は車の両輪として、相互補完関係にある。自衛隊による切れ目のない事態対処を可能にしておくことが、紛争を回避し、地域を安定させる平和外交を推進するための後ろ盾になろう。
Critics in some quarters have claimed the security-related bills will “make Japan a nation that can once again wage war” and “return the nation to the prewar days.” These assertions can only be described as twisted interpretations.
安保法案には、「日本を再び戦争できる国にする」「戦前に回帰するものだ」といった批判が一部にある。曲解と言うほかない。
Japan firmly pacifist
◆「戦争できる国」は曲論
Modern-day Japan is decisively different from prewar Japan in several ways. Now, Japan stands staunchly by the pacifism enshrined in the Constitution, rejects aggression and territorial expansion, and attaches great weight to international cooperation. Civilian control of the SDF remains firmly in place.
今の日本が戦前と決定的に異なるのは、憲法の平和主義を堅持し、侵略や国土拡張を否定して、国際協調を重視していることだ。文民統制（シビリアンコントロール）もしっかり確保されている。
Allowing the exercise of the right of collective self-defense, as stipulated in the new security-related bills, and expanding the SDF’s humanitarian and reconstruction support activities overseas and the logistic support it can provide to military forces of other nations, will all help reinforce international solidarity.
法案が定める集団的自衛権の行使容認や、海外における自衛隊の人道復興支援や他国軍への後方支援活動の拡充は、いずれも国際的な連帯を強固にする。
This is precisely why the overwhelming majority of nations — with the notable exceptions of China and South Korea, which have rifts with Japan over perceptions of history — highly regard and support the content of the legislation.
だからこそ、歴史認識を巡って日本と溝がある中国、韓国を除く圧倒的多数の国々が、法案内容を高く評価、支持しているのである。
Nations have extremely high expectations for the “proactive contribution to peace based on the principle of international cooperation” put forward by the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.
安倍政権の「国際協調主義に基づく積極的平和主義」に対する各国の期待は極めて高い。
The prime minister should redouble his efforts to explain the significance and necessity of the security-related bills to the public and gain greater understanding of the legislation.
安倍首相は、安保法案の意義と必要性を国民に説明し、理解を広げる努力を倍加させるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 14, 2015)
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 15
EDITORIAL: Abe’s war anniversary statement falls way short of the mark
（社説）戦後７０年の安倍談話 何のために出したのか
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s statement to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II has left us wondering for what purpose and for whom it was written.
いったい何のための、誰のための談話なのか。
Issued Aug. 14, the statement falls grossly short as an accounting to sum up Japan’s modern history on the occasion of this landmark anniversary.
安倍首相の談話は、戦後７０年の歴史総括として、極めて不十分な内容だった。
The statement includes all of the terms that had been singled out as crucial elements and were the main focus of international attention: aggression, colonial rule, remorse and apology.
侵略や植民地支配。反省とおわび。安倍談話には確かに、国際的にも注目されたいくつかのキーワードは盛り込まれた。
But the statement somewhat obscures the fact that Japan was the country that committed the aggression and carried out colonial rule.
しかし、日本が侵略し、植民地支配をしたという主語はぼかされた。
The document referred to remorse and apology for the war only indirectly by mentioning the fact that past Cabinets expressed these sentiments.
反省やおわびは歴代内閣が表明したとして間接的に触れられた。
We feel strongly that the Abe administration did not have to issue, or rather, should not have issued this flawed statement.
この談話は出す必要がなかった。いや、出すべきではなかった。改めて強くそう思う。
BACKING DOWN FROM POSITION SET BY MURAYAMA
■「村山」以前に後退
The Abe statement struck us as an awkward compromise between the views about history held by him and his supporters and the hard and weighty historical facts.
談話全体を通じて感じられるのは、自らや支持者の歴史観と、事実の重みとの折り合いに苦心した妥協の産物であるということだ。
The statement issued in 1995 by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama to mark the 50th anniversary of the end of the war has been internationally recognized as a document describing the Japanese government’s views about the nation’s wartime past. Its most important feature is that it clearly acknowledged Japan’s act of aggression and candidly expressed remorse for the nation’s past and apologies to peoples of Asian countries.
日本政府の歴史認識として定着してきた戦後５０年の村山談話の最大の特徴は、かつての日本の行為を侵略だと認め、その反省とアジアの諸国民へのおわびを、率直に語ったことだ。
In contrast, the Abe statement referred to Japan’s aggression in the following passage.
一方、安倍談話で侵略に言及したのは次のくだりだ。
“Incident, aggression, war--we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes.”
「事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない」
This declaration, in itself, is not wrong, of course. But this clearly represents a back down from the position set by the Murayama statement, which Abe himself had pledged to uphold.
それ自体、もちろん間違いではない。しかし、首相自身が引き継ぐという村山談話の内容から明らかに後退している。
Even a report drawn up by a panel of personal advisers to Abe appointed to offer advice over the war commemorative statement made a clear reference to Japan’s aggression on the Asian continent.
日本の大陸への侵略については、首相の私的懇談会も報告書に明記していた。
The new statement is also a back down from how past prime ministers of the Liberal Democratic Party who held office before the Murayama statement described Japan’s wartime behavior. These leaders said to the effect that there was no denying Japan’s aggressive acts, even if they didn’t use the word “aggression.”
侵略とは言わなくても「侵略的事実を否定できない」などと認めてきた村山談話以前の自民党首相の表現からも後退している。
Much the same is true with the issue of apology.
おわびについても同様だ。
Abe’s statement says, “We must not let our children, grandchildren and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize.”
首相は「私たちの子や孫に、謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはなりません」と述べた。
Many Japanese certainly have the feeling of how long Japan has had to keep apologizing. On the other hand, China and South Korea have their reasons to keep demanding that Japan apologize.
確かに、国民の中にはいつまでわび続ければよいのかという感情がある。他方、中国や韓国が謝罪を求め続けることにもわけがある。
Although the Japanese government has expressed remorse and apology, ministers and other top government officials repeatedly made remarks that cast doubt over the government’s statements. Prime ministers and other politicians paid many visits to Tokyo’s Yasukuni Shrine, which honors Japan’s war criminals along with general war dead. Japan itself has done things that undermine the credibility of its own words.
政府として反省や謝罪を示しても、閣僚らがそれを疑わせる発言を繰り返す。靖国神社に首相らが参拝する。信頼を損ねる原因を日本から作ってきた。
SAD SPECTACLE OF FLIP-FLOPPING
■目を疑う迷走ぶり
If he wants to relieve Japan from the burden of having to keep apologizing, Abe, who is suspected by the international community to have biased views about history, should have gracefully offered his own apologies to end the cycle of negative sentiment that has been straining the relationship between Japanese and the peoples of other Asian nations. It is a pity that he failed to make that decision.
謝罪を続けたくないなら、国際社会から偏った歴史認識をもっていると疑われている安倍氏がここで潔く謝罪し、国民とアジア諸国民との間に横たわる負の連鎖を断ち切る――。こんな決断はできなかったのか。
Aside from the content of the statement, the political process leading to the release of the document was a depressingly sad spectacle of flip-flopping by the administration.
それにしても、談話発表に至る過程で見せつけられたのは、目を疑うような政権の二転三転ぶりだった。
Immediately after returning to power, Abe began expressing his desire to issue a “future-oriented statement fit for the 21st century.” His remarks indicated his intention to replace the history perceptions displayed by the Murayama statement with his own.
安倍氏は首相に再登板した直後から「２１世紀にふさわしい未来志向の談話を発表したい」と表明。村山談話の歴史認識を塗り替える狙いを示唆してきた。
As this move caused serious concern to not only China and South Korea, but also the United States, Abe tilted toward issuing only his personal statement without official Cabinet endorsement.
そんな首相の姿勢に中国や韓国だけでなく、米国も懸念を深め、首相はいったんは閣議決定せずに個人的談話の色彩を強めることに傾く。
But some close aides to Abe and Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, voiced an objection to the idea, saying that such a statement would not represent the government’s official position.
Abe then decided to have the statement approved by the Cabinet after all. It was distressing to see the administration change its mind repeatedly on the milestone statement.
それでは公式な政府見解にならないと反発した首相側近や、公明党からも異論が出て、再び閣議決定する方針に。節目の談話の扱いに全くふさわしくない悲惨な迷走ぶりである。
Meanwhile, Western scholars as well as Japanese researchers called for Japan’s “unbiased” accounting of past wrongs. In opinion polls, a majority of Japanese also said the statement should acknowledge Japan’s “aggression” and other past wrongdoings.
この間、国内のみならず欧米の学者も過ちの「偏見なき清算」を呼びかけた。世論調査でも過半数が「侵略」などを盛り込むべきだとの民意を示した。
In the first place, whether it is approved by the Cabinet or not, the prime minister’s statement cannot be cast merely as his “personal view.”
そもそも閣議決定をしようがしまいが、首相の談話が「個人的な談話」で済むはずがない。
The statement is inevitably taken by the international community as Japan’s official view about its past based on the people’s collective will.
日本国民の総意を踏まえた歴史認識だと国際社会で受け取られることは避けられない。
After making a wrongheaded and miserably failed move to turn the statement into his personal credo, Abe pathetically ended up issuing a statement that is fuzzy about the responsibility for aggression and his intention to offer an apology.
それを私物化しようとした迷走の果てに、侵略の責任も、おわびの意思もあいまいな談話を出す体たらくである。
CONFUSED POLICY PRIORITIES
■政治の本末転倒
It is simply impossible for Abe to push through a major revision to the standard history perceptions that have been accepted by many Japanese and the international community by taking advantage of the ruling camp’s majority control of the Diet.
国会での数の力を背景に強引に押し通そうとしても、多くの国民と国際社会が共有している当たり前の歴史認識を覆す無理が通るはずがない。
Abe has been stressing the need to adopt a future-oriented attitude toward history. But making the present and the future better than the past requires coming to terms with the past.
From this point of view, there are still many problems concerning Japan’s past that have been left unsolved, despite the urgent need to settle them.
首相は未来志向を強調してきたが、現在と未来をより良く生きるためには過去のけじめは欠かせない。その意味で、解決が迫られているのに、いまだ残された問題はまだまだある。
The biggest of these problems concerns Yasukuni Shrine and the issue of how the government should mourn the war dead.
最たるものは靖国神社と戦没者追悼の問題である。
Diplomatic friction over Yasukuni has eased somewhat recently because Abe has not visited the Shinto shrine since the end of 2013.
But the issue will flare up immediately if he pays it another visit.
安倍首相が１３年末以来参拝していないため外交的な摩擦は落ち着いているが、首相が再び参拝すれば、たちまち再燃する。
Even so, there has been no notable political move toward finding a solution to this problem.
それなのに、この問題に何らかの解決策を見いだそうという政治の動きは極めて乏しい。
No political consensus has been reached on any possible solution to the issue of “comfort women.” There has also been no progress either on the problem of the past abductions of Japanese citizens by North Korea, with which Japan has no formal diplomatic relationship. Tokyo’s negotiations with Moscow for a settlement of the territorial dispute over the Northern Territories, a group of islands off Hokkaido controlled by Russia, have become bogged down.
慰安婦問題は解決に向けた政治的合意が得られず、国交がない北朝鮮による拉致問題も進展しない。ロシアとの北方領土問題も暗礁に乗り上げている。
While it has spent so much time and energy on a statement that did not have to be issued, the administration has done little to tackle these history related problems, which are crying out for effective political actions for solutions amid the aging of the Japanese and peoples of neighboring countries who experienced firsthand the ravages of war.
出す必要のない談話に労力を費やしたあげく、戦争の惨禍を体験した日本国民や近隣諸国民が高齢化するなかで解決が急がれる問題は足踏みが続く。
We cannot help but wonder for what purpose and for whom the administration is making its policy efforts. Its priorities are totally wrong.
いったい何のための、誰のための政治なのか。本末転倒も極まれりである。
The blame for this wretched situation should be borne by Abe himself.
その責めは、首相自身が負わねばならない。
EDITORIAL: Abe’s war anniversary statement falls way short of the mark
（社説）戦後７０年の安倍談話 何のために出したのか
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s statement to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II has left us wondering for what purpose and for whom it was written.
いったい何のための、誰のための談話なのか。
Issued Aug. 14, the statement falls grossly short as an accounting to sum up Japan’s modern history on the occasion of this landmark anniversary.
安倍首相の談話は、戦後７０年の歴史総括として、極めて不十分な内容だった。
The statement includes all of the terms that had been singled out as crucial elements and were the main focus of international attention: aggression, colonial rule, remorse and apology.
侵略や植民地支配。反省とおわび。安倍談話には確かに、国際的にも注目されたいくつかのキーワードは盛り込まれた。
But the statement somewhat obscures the fact that Japan was the country that committed the aggression and carried out colonial rule.
しかし、日本が侵略し、植民地支配をしたという主語はぼかされた。
The document referred to remorse and apology for the war only indirectly by mentioning the fact that past Cabinets expressed these sentiments.
反省やおわびは歴代内閣が表明したとして間接的に触れられた。
We feel strongly that the Abe administration did not have to issue, or rather, should not have issued this flawed statement.
この談話は出す必要がなかった。いや、出すべきではなかった。改めて強くそう思う。
BACKING DOWN FROM POSITION SET BY MURAYAMA
■「村山」以前に後退
The Abe statement struck us as an awkward compromise between the views about history held by him and his supporters and the hard and weighty historical facts.
談話全体を通じて感じられるのは、自らや支持者の歴史観と、事実の重みとの折り合いに苦心した妥協の産物であるということだ。
The statement issued in 1995 by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama to mark the 50th anniversary of the end of the war has been internationally recognized as a document describing the Japanese government’s views about the nation’s wartime past. Its most important feature is that it clearly acknowledged Japan’s act of aggression and candidly expressed remorse for the nation’s past and apologies to peoples of Asian countries.
日本政府の歴史認識として定着してきた戦後５０年の村山談話の最大の特徴は、かつての日本の行為を侵略だと認め、その反省とアジアの諸国民へのおわびを、率直に語ったことだ。
In contrast, the Abe statement referred to Japan’s aggression in the following passage.
一方、安倍談話で侵略に言及したのは次のくだりだ。
“Incident, aggression, war--we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes.”
「事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない」
This declaration, in itself, is not wrong, of course. But this clearly represents a back down from the position set by the Murayama statement, which Abe himself had pledged to uphold.
それ自体、もちろん間違いではない。しかし、首相自身が引き継ぐという村山談話の内容から明らかに後退している。
Even a report drawn up by a panel of personal advisers to Abe appointed to offer advice over the war commemorative statement made a clear reference to Japan’s aggression on the Asian continent.
日本の大陸への侵略については、首相の私的懇談会も報告書に明記していた。
The new statement is also a back down from how past prime ministers of the Liberal Democratic Party who held office before the Murayama statement described Japan’s wartime behavior. These leaders said to the effect that there was no denying Japan’s aggressive acts, even if they didn’t use the word “aggression.”
侵略とは言わなくても「侵略的事実を否定できない」などと認めてきた村山談話以前の自民党首相の表現からも後退している。
Much the same is true with the issue of apology.
おわびについても同様だ。
Abe’s statement says, “We must not let our children, grandchildren and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize.”
首相は「私たちの子や孫に、謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはなりません」と述べた。
Many Japanese certainly have the feeling of how long Japan has had to keep apologizing. On the other hand, China and South Korea have their reasons to keep demanding that Japan apologize.
確かに、国民の中にはいつまでわび続ければよいのかという感情がある。他方、中国や韓国が謝罪を求め続けることにもわけがある。
Although the Japanese government has expressed remorse and apology, ministers and other top government officials repeatedly made remarks that cast doubt over the government’s statements. Prime ministers and other politicians paid many visits to Tokyo’s Yasukuni Shrine, which honors Japan’s war criminals along with general war dead. Japan itself has done things that undermine the credibility of its own words.
政府として反省や謝罪を示しても、閣僚らがそれを疑わせる発言を繰り返す。靖国神社に首相らが参拝する。信頼を損ねる原因を日本から作ってきた。
SAD SPECTACLE OF FLIP-FLOPPING
■目を疑う迷走ぶり
If he wants to relieve Japan from the burden of having to keep apologizing, Abe, who is suspected by the international community to have biased views about history, should have gracefully offered his own apologies to end the cycle of negative sentiment that has been straining the relationship between Japanese and the peoples of other Asian nations. It is a pity that he failed to make that decision.
謝罪を続けたくないなら、国際社会から偏った歴史認識をもっていると疑われている安倍氏がここで潔く謝罪し、国民とアジア諸国民との間に横たわる負の連鎖を断ち切る――。こんな決断はできなかったのか。
Aside from the content of the statement, the political process leading to the release of the document was a depressingly sad spectacle of flip-flopping by the administration.
それにしても、談話発表に至る過程で見せつけられたのは、目を疑うような政権の二転三転ぶりだった。
Immediately after returning to power, Abe began expressing his desire to issue a “future-oriented statement fit for the 21st century.” His remarks indicated his intention to replace the history perceptions displayed by the Murayama statement with his own.
安倍氏は首相に再登板した直後から「２１世紀にふさわしい未来志向の談話を発表したい」と表明。村山談話の歴史認識を塗り替える狙いを示唆してきた。
As this move caused serious concern to not only China and South Korea, but also the United States, Abe tilted toward issuing only his personal statement without official Cabinet endorsement.
そんな首相の姿勢に中国や韓国だけでなく、米国も懸念を深め、首相はいったんは閣議決定せずに個人的談話の色彩を強めることに傾く。
But some close aides to Abe and Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, voiced an objection to the idea, saying that such a statement would not represent the government’s official position.
Abe then decided to have the statement approved by the Cabinet after all. It was distressing to see the administration change its mind repeatedly on the milestone statement.
それでは公式な政府見解にならないと反発した首相側近や、公明党からも異論が出て、再び閣議決定する方針に。節目の談話の扱いに全くふさわしくない悲惨な迷走ぶりである。
Meanwhile, Western scholars as well as Japanese researchers called for Japan’s “unbiased” accounting of past wrongs. In opinion polls, a majority of Japanese also said the statement should acknowledge Japan’s “aggression” and other past wrongdoings.
この間、国内のみならず欧米の学者も過ちの「偏見なき清算」を呼びかけた。世論調査でも過半数が「侵略」などを盛り込むべきだとの民意を示した。
In the first place, whether it is approved by the Cabinet or not, the prime minister’s statement cannot be cast merely as his “personal view.”
そもそも閣議決定をしようがしまいが、首相の談話が「個人的な談話」で済むはずがない。
The statement is inevitably taken by the international community as Japan’s official view about its past based on the people’s collective will.
日本国民の総意を踏まえた歴史認識だと国際社会で受け取られることは避けられない。
After making a wrongheaded and miserably failed move to turn the statement into his personal credo, Abe pathetically ended up issuing a statement that is fuzzy about the responsibility for aggression and his intention to offer an apology.
それを私物化しようとした迷走の果てに、侵略の責任も、おわびの意思もあいまいな談話を出す体たらくである。
CONFUSED POLICY PRIORITIES
■政治の本末転倒
It is simply impossible for Abe to push through a major revision to the standard history perceptions that have been accepted by many Japanese and the international community by taking advantage of the ruling camp’s majority control of the Diet.
国会での数の力を背景に強引に押し通そうとしても、多くの国民と国際社会が共有している当たり前の歴史認識を覆す無理が通るはずがない。
Abe has been stressing the need to adopt a future-oriented attitude toward history. But making the present and the future better than the past requires coming to terms with the past.
From this point of view, there are still many problems concerning Japan’s past that have been left unsolved, despite the urgent need to settle them.
首相は未来志向を強調してきたが、現在と未来をより良く生きるためには過去のけじめは欠かせない。その意味で、解決が迫られているのに、いまだ残された問題はまだまだある。
The biggest of these problems concerns Yasukuni Shrine and the issue of how the government should mourn the war dead.
最たるものは靖国神社と戦没者追悼の問題である。
Diplomatic friction over Yasukuni has eased somewhat recently because Abe has not visited the Shinto shrine since the end of 2013.
But the issue will flare up immediately if he pays it another visit.
安倍首相が１３年末以来参拝していないため外交的な摩擦は落ち着いているが、首相が再び参拝すれば、たちまち再燃する。
Even so, there has been no notable political move toward finding a solution to this problem.
それなのに、この問題に何らかの解決策を見いだそうという政治の動きは極めて乏しい。
No political consensus has been reached on any possible solution to the issue of “comfort women.” There has also been no progress either on the problem of the past abductions of Japanese citizens by North Korea, with which Japan has no formal diplomatic relationship. Tokyo’s negotiations with Moscow for a settlement of the territorial dispute over the Northern Territories, a group of islands off Hokkaido controlled by Russia, have become bogged down.
慰安婦問題は解決に向けた政治的合意が得られず、国交がない北朝鮮による拉致問題も進展しない。ロシアとの北方領土問題も暗礁に乗り上げている。
While it has spent so much time and energy on a statement that did not have to be issued, the administration has done little to tackle these history related problems, which are crying out for effective political actions for solutions amid the aging of the Japanese and peoples of neighboring countries who experienced firsthand the ravages of war.
出す必要のない談話に労力を費やしたあげく、戦争の惨禍を体験した日本国民や近隣諸国民が高齢化するなかで解決が急がれる問題は足踏みが続く。
We cannot help but wonder for what purpose and for whom the administration is making its policy efforts. Its priorities are totally wrong.
いったい何のための、誰のための政治なのか。本末転倒も極まれりである。
The blame for this wretched situation should be borne by Abe himself.
その責めは、首相自身が負わねばならない。
Statement by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe
内閣総理大臣談話
Friday, August 14, 2015
平成27年8月14日
On the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, we must calmly reflect upon the road to war, the path we have taken since it ended, and the era of the 20th century. We must learn from the lessons of history the wisdom for our future.
終戦七十年を迎えるにあたり、先の大戦への道のり、戦後の歩み、二十世紀という時代を、私たちは、心静かに振り返り、その歴史の教訓の中から、未来への知恵を学ばなければならないと考えます。
More than one hundred years ago, vast colonies possessed mainly by the Western powers stretched out across the world. With their overwhelming supremacy in technology, waves of colonial rule surged toward Asia in the 19th century. There is no doubt that the resultant sense of crisis drove Japan forward to achieve modernization. Japan built a constitutional government earlier than any other nation in Asia. The country preserved its independence throughout. The Japan-Russia War gave encouragement to many people under colonial rule from Asia to Africa.
百年以上前の世界には、西洋諸国を中心とした国々の広大な植民地が、広がっていました。圧倒的な技術優位を背景に、植民地支配の波は、十九世紀、アジアにも押し寄せました。その危機感が、日本にとって、近代化の原動力となったことは、間違いありません。アジアで最初に立憲政治を打ち立て、独立を守り抜きました。日露戦争は、植民地支配のもとにあった、多くのアジアやアフリカの人々を勇気づけました。
After World War I, which embroiled the world, the movement for self-determination gained momentum and put brakes on colonization that had been underway. It was a horrible war that claimed as many as ten million lives. With a strong desire for peace stirred in them, people founded the League of Nations and brought forth the General Treaty for Renunciation of War. There emerged in the international community a new tide of outlawing war itself.
世界を巻き込んだ第一次世界大戦を経て、民族自決の動きが広がり、それまでの植民地化にブレーキがかかりました。この戦争は、一千万人もの戦死者を出す、悲惨な戦争でありました。人々は「平和」を強く願い、国際連盟を創設し、不戦条約を生み出しました。戦争自体を違法化する、新たな国際社会の潮流が生まれました。
At the beginning, Japan, too, kept steps with other nations. However, with the Great Depression setting in and the Western countries launching economic blocs by involving colonial economies, Japan's economy suffered a major blow. In such circumstances, Japan's sense of isolation deepened and it attempted to overcome its diplomatic and economic deadlock through the use of force. Its domestic political system could not serve as a brake to stop such attempts. In this way, Japan lost sight of the overall trends in the world.
当初は、日本も足並みを揃えました。しかし、世界恐慌が発生し、欧米諸国が、植民地経済を巻き込んだ、経済のブロック化を進めると、日本経済は大きな打撃を受けました。その中で日本は、孤立感を深め、外交的、経済的な行き詰まりを、力の行使によって解決しようと試みました。国内の政治システムは、その歯止めたりえなかった。こうして、日本は、世界の大勢を見失っていきました。
With the Manchurian Incident, followed by the withdrawal from the League of Nations, Japan gradually transformed itself into a challenger to the new international order that the international community sought to establish after tremendous sacrifices. Japan took the wrong course and advanced along the road to war.
満州事変、そして国際連盟からの脱退。日本は、次第に、国際社会が壮絶な犠牲の上に築こうとした「新しい国際秩序」への「挑戦者」となっていった。進むべき針路を誤り、戦争への道を進んで行きました。
And, seventy years ago, Japan was defeated.
そして七十年前。日本は、敗戦しました。
On the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, I bow my head deeply before the souls of all those who perished both at home and abroad. I express my feelings of profound grief and my eternal, sincere condolences.
戦後七十年にあたり、国内外に斃れたすべての人々の命の前に、深く頭を垂れ、痛惜の念を表すとともに、永劫の、哀悼の誠を捧げます。
More than three million of our compatriots lost their lives during the war: on the battlefields worrying about the future of their homeland and wishing for the happiness of their families; in remote foreign countries after the war, in extreme cold or heat, suffering from starvation and disease. The atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the air raids on Tokyo and other cities, and the ground battles in Okinawa, among others, took a heavy toll among ordinary citizens without mercy.
先の大戦では、三百万余の同胞の命が失われました。祖国の行く末を案じ、家族の幸せを願いながら、戦陣に散った方々。終戦後、酷寒の、あるいは灼熱の、遠い異郷の地にあって、飢えや病に苦しみ、亡くなられた方々。広島や長崎での原爆投下、東京をはじめ各都市での爆撃、沖縄における地上戦などによって、たくさんの市井の人々が、無残にも犠牲となりました。
Also in countries that fought against Japan, countless lives were lost among young people with promising futures. In China, Southeast Asia, the Pacific islands and elsewhere that became the battlefields, numerous innocent citizens suffered and fell victim to battles as well as hardships such as severe deprivation of food. We must never forget that there were women behind the battlefields whose honour and dignity were severely injured.
戦火を交えた国々でも、将来ある若者たちの命が、数知れず失われました。中国、東南アジア、太平洋の島々など、戦場となった地域では、戦闘のみならず、食糧難などにより、多くの無辜の民が苦しみ、犠牲となりました。戦場の陰には、深く名誉と尊厳を傷つけられた女性たちがいたことも、忘れてはなりません。
Upon the innocent people did our country inflict immeasurable damage and suffering. History is harsh. What is done cannot be undone. Each and every one of them had his or her life, dream, and beloved family. When I squarely contemplate this obvious fact, even now, I find myself speechless and my heart is rent with the utmost grief.
何の罪もない人々に、計り知れない損害と苦痛を、我が国が与えた事実。歴史とは実に取り返しのつかない、苛烈なものです。一人ひとりに、それぞれの人生があり、夢があり、愛する家族があった。この当然の事実をかみしめる時、今なお、言葉を失い、ただただ、断腸の念を禁じ得ません。
The peace we enjoy today exists only upon such precious sacrifices. And therein lies the origin of postwar Japan.
これほどまでの尊い犠牲の上に、現在の平和がある。これが、戦後日本の原点であります。
We must never again repeat the devastation of war.
二度と戦争の惨禍を繰り返してはならない。
Incident, aggression, war -- we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. We shall abandon colonial rule forever and respect the right of self-determination of all peoples throughout the world.
事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない。植民地支配から永遠に訣別し、すべての民族の自決の権利が尊重される世界にしなければならない。
With deep repentance for the war, Japan made that pledge. Upon it, we have created a free and democratic country, abided by the rule of law, and consistently upheld that pledge never to wage a war again. While taking silent pride in the path we have walked as a peace-loving nation for as long as seventy years, we remain determined never to deviate from this steadfast course.
先の大戦への深い悔悟の念と共に、我が国は、そう誓いました。自由で民主的な国を創り上げ、法の支配を重んじ、ひたすら不戦の誓いを堅持してまいりました。七十年間に及ぶ平和国家としての歩みに、私たちは、静かな誇りを抱きながら、この不動の方針を、これからも貫いてまいります。
Japan has repeatedly expressed the feelings of deep remorse and heartfelt apology for its actions during the war. In order to manifest such feelings through concrete actions, we have engraved in our hearts the histories of suffering of the people in Asia as our neighbours: those in Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia and the Philippines, and Taiwan, the Republic of Korea and China, among others; and we have consistently devoted ourselves to the peace and prosperity of the region since the end of the war.
我が国は、先の大戦における行いについて、繰り返し、痛切な反省と心からのお詫びの気持ちを表明してきました。その思いを実際の行動で示すため、インドネシア、フィリピンはじめ東南アジアの国々、台湾、韓国、中国など、隣人であるアジアの人々が歩んできた苦難の歴史を胸に刻み、戦後一貫して、その平和と繁栄のために力を尽くしてきました。
Such position articulated by the previous cabinets will remain unshakable into the future.
こうした歴代内閣の立場は、今後も、揺るぎないものであります。
However, no matter what kind of efforts we may make, the sorrows of those who lost their family members and the painful memories of those who underwent immense sufferings by the destruction of war will never be healed.
ただ、私たちがいかなる努力を尽くそうとも、家族を失った方々の悲しみ、戦禍によって塗炭の苦しみを味わった人々の辛い記憶は、これからも、決して癒えることはないでしょう。
Thus, we must take to heart the following.
ですから、私たちは、心に留めなければなりません。
The fact that more than six million Japanese repatriates managed to come home safely after the war from various parts of the Asia-Pacific and became the driving force behind Japan’s postwar reconstruction; the fact that nearly three thousand Japanese children left behind in China were able to grow up there and set foot on the soil of their homeland again; and the fact that former POWs of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Australia and other nations have visited Japan for many years to continue praying for the souls of the war dead on both sides.
戦後、六百万人を超える引揚者が、アジア太平洋の各地から無事帰還でき、日本再建の原動力となった事実を。中国に置き去りにされた三千人近い日本人の子どもたちが、無事成長し、再び祖国の土を踏むことができた事実を。米国や英国、オランダ、豪州などの元捕虜の皆さんが、長年にわたり、日本を訪れ、互いの戦死者のために慰霊を続けてくれている事実を。
How much emotional struggle must have existed and what great efforts must have been necessary for the Chinese people who underwent all the sufferings of the war and for the former POWs who experienced unbearable sufferings caused by the Japanese military in order for them to be so tolerant nevertheless?
戦争の苦痛を嘗め尽くした中国人の皆さんや、日本軍によって耐え難い苦痛を受けた元捕虜の皆さんが、それほど寛容であるためには、どれほどの心の葛藤があり、いかほどの努力が必要であったか。
That is what we must turn our thoughts to reflect upon.
そのことに、私たちは、思いを致さなければなりません。
Thanks to such manifestation of tolerance, Japan was able to return to the international community in the postwar era. Taking this opportunity of the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, Japan would like to express its heartfelt gratitude to all the nations and all the people who made every effort for reconciliation.
寛容の心によって、日本は、戦後、国際社会に復帰することができました。戦後七十年のこの機にあたり、我が国は、和解のために力を尽くしてくださった、すべての国々、すべての方々に、心からの感謝の気持ちを表したいと思います。
In Japan, the postwar generations now exceed eighty per cent of its population. We must not let our children, grandchildren, and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize. Still, even so, we Japanese, across generations, must squarely face the history of the past. We have the responsibility to inherit the past, in all humbleness, and pass it on to the future.
日本では、戦後生まれの世代が、今や、人口の八割を超えています。あの戦争には何ら関わりのない、私たちの子や孫、そしてその先の世代の子どもたちに、謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはなりません。しかし、それでもなお、私たち日本人は、世代を超えて、過去の歴史に真正面から向き合わなければなりません。謙虚な気持ちで、過去を受け継ぎ、未来へと引き渡す責任があります。
Our parents’ and grandparents’ generations were able to survive in a devastated land in sheer poverty after the war. The future they brought about is the one our current generation inherited and the one we will hand down to the next generation. Together with the tireless efforts of our predecessors, this has only been possible through the goodwill and assistance extended to us that transcended hatred by a truly large number of countries, such as the United States, Australia, and European nations, which Japan had fiercely fought against as enemies.
私たちの親、そのまた親の世代が、戦後の焼け野原、貧しさのどん底の中で、命をつなぐことができた。そして、現在の私たちの世代、さらに次の世代へと、未来をつないでいくことができる。それは、先人たちのたゆまぬ努力と共に、敵として熾烈に戦った、米国、豪州、欧州諸国をはじめ、本当にたくさんの国々から、恩讐を越えて、善意と支援の手が差しのべられたおかげであります。
We must pass this down from generation to generation into the future. We have the great responsibility to take the lessons of history deeply into our hearts, to carve out a better future, and to make all possible efforts for the peace and prosperity of Asia and the world.
そのことを、私たちは、未来へと語り継いでいかなければならない。歴史の教訓を深く胸に刻み、より良い未来を切り拓いていく、アジア、そして世界の平和と繁栄に力を尽くす。その大きな責任があります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when Japan attempted to break its deadlock with force. Upon this reflection, Japan will continue to firmly uphold the principle that any disputes must be settled peacefully and diplomatically based on the respect for the rule of law and not through the use of force, and to reach out to other countries in the world to do the same. As the only country to have ever suffered the devastation of atomic bombings during war, Japan will fulfil its responsibility in the international community, aiming at the non-proliferation and ultimate abolition of nuclear weapons.
私たちは、自らの行き詰まりを力によって打開しようとした過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、いかなる紛争も、法の支配を尊重し、力の行使ではなく、平和的・外交的に解決すべきである。この原則を、これからも堅く守り、世界の国々にも働きかけてまいります。唯一の戦争被爆国として、核兵器の不拡散と究極の廃絶を目指し、国際社会でその責任を果たしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when the dignity and honour of many women were severely injured during wars in the 20th century. Upon this reflection, Japan wishes to be a country always at the side of such women’s injured hearts. Japan will lead the world in making the 21st century an era in which women’s human rights are not infringed upon.
私たちは、二十世紀において、戦時下、多くの女性たちの尊厳や名誉が深く傷つけられた過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、そうした女性たちの心に、常に寄り添う国でありたい。二十一世紀こそ、女性の人権が傷つけられることのない世紀とするため、世界をリードしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when forming economic blocs made the seeds of conflict thrive. Upon this reflection, Japan will continue to develop a free, fair and open international economic system that will not be influenced by the arbitrary intentions of any nation. We will strengthen assistance for developing countries, and lead the world toward further prosperity. Prosperity is the very foundation for peace. Japan will make even greater efforts to fight against poverty, which also serves as a hotbed of violence, and to provide opportunities for medical services, education, and self-reliance to all the people in the world.
私たちは、経済のブロック化が紛争の芽を育てた過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、いかなる国の恣意にも左右されない、自由で、公正で、開かれた国際経済システムを発展させ、途上国支援を強化し、世界の更なる繁栄を牽引してまいります。繁栄こそ、平和の礎です。暴力の温床ともなる貧困に立ち向かい、世界のあらゆる人々に、医療と教育、自立の機会を提供するため、一層、力を尽くしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when Japan ended up becoming a challenger to the international order. Upon this reflection, Japan will firmly uphold basic values such as freedom, democracy, and human rights as unyielding values and, by working hand in hand with countries that share such values, hoist the flag of “Proactive Contribution to Peace,” and contribute to the peace and prosperity of the world more than ever before.
私たちは、国際秩序への挑戦者となってしまった過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、自由、民主主義、人権といった基本的価値を揺るぎないものとして堅持し、その価値を共有する国々と手を携えて、「積極的平和主義」の旗を高く掲げ、世界の平和と繁栄にこれまで以上に貢献してまいります。
Heading toward the 80th, the 90th and the centennial anniversary of the end of the war, we are determined to create such a Japan together with the Japanese people.
終戦八十年、九十年、さらには百年に向けて、そのような日本を、国民の皆様と共に創り上げていく。その決意であります。
August 14, 2015
平成二十七年八月十四日
Shinzo Abe, Prime Minister of Japan
内閣総理大臣 安倍 晋三
内閣総理大臣談話
Friday, August 14, 2015
平成27年8月14日
On the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, we must calmly reflect upon the road to war, the path we have taken since it ended, and the era of the 20th century. We must learn from the lessons of history the wisdom for our future.
終戦七十年を迎えるにあたり、先の大戦への道のり、戦後の歩み、二十世紀という時代を、私たちは、心静かに振り返り、その歴史の教訓の中から、未来への知恵を学ばなければならないと考えます。
More than one hundred years ago, vast colonies possessed mainly by the Western powers stretched out across the world. With their overwhelming supremacy in technology, waves of colonial rule surged toward Asia in the 19th century. There is no doubt that the resultant sense of crisis drove Japan forward to achieve modernization. Japan built a constitutional government earlier than any other nation in Asia. The country preserved its independence throughout. The Japan-Russia War gave encouragement to many people under colonial rule from Asia to Africa.
百年以上前の世界には、西洋諸国を中心とした国々の広大な植民地が、広がっていました。圧倒的な技術優位を背景に、植民地支配の波は、十九世紀、アジアにも押し寄せました。その危機感が、日本にとって、近代化の原動力となったことは、間違いありません。アジアで最初に立憲政治を打ち立て、独立を守り抜きました。日露戦争は、植民地支配のもとにあった、多くのアジアやアフリカの人々を勇気づけました。
After World War I, which embroiled the world, the movement for self-determination gained momentum and put brakes on colonization that had been underway. It was a horrible war that claimed as many as ten million lives. With a strong desire for peace stirred in them, people founded the League of Nations and brought forth the General Treaty for Renunciation of War. There emerged in the international community a new tide of outlawing war itself.
世界を巻き込んだ第一次世界大戦を経て、民族自決の動きが広がり、それまでの植民地化にブレーキがかかりました。この戦争は、一千万人もの戦死者を出す、悲惨な戦争でありました。人々は「平和」を強く願い、国際連盟を創設し、不戦条約を生み出しました。戦争自体を違法化する、新たな国際社会の潮流が生まれました。
At the beginning, Japan, too, kept steps with other nations. However, with the Great Depression setting in and the Western countries launching economic blocs by involving colonial economies, Japan's economy suffered a major blow. In such circumstances, Japan's sense of isolation deepened and it attempted to overcome its diplomatic and economic deadlock through the use of force. Its domestic political system could not serve as a brake to stop such attempts. In this way, Japan lost sight of the overall trends in the world.
当初は、日本も足並みを揃えました。しかし、世界恐慌が発生し、欧米諸国が、植民地経済を巻き込んだ、経済のブロック化を進めると、日本経済は大きな打撃を受けました。その中で日本は、孤立感を深め、外交的、経済的な行き詰まりを、力の行使によって解決しようと試みました。国内の政治システムは、その歯止めたりえなかった。こうして、日本は、世界の大勢を見失っていきました。
With the Manchurian Incident, followed by the withdrawal from the League of Nations, Japan gradually transformed itself into a challenger to the new international order that the international community sought to establish after tremendous sacrifices. Japan took the wrong course and advanced along the road to war.
満州事変、そして国際連盟からの脱退。日本は、次第に、国際社会が壮絶な犠牲の上に築こうとした「新しい国際秩序」への「挑戦者」となっていった。進むべき針路を誤り、戦争への道を進んで行きました。
And, seventy years ago, Japan was defeated.
そして七十年前。日本は、敗戦しました。
On the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, I bow my head deeply before the souls of all those who perished both at home and abroad. I express my feelings of profound grief and my eternal, sincere condolences.
戦後七十年にあたり、国内外に斃れたすべての人々の命の前に、深く頭を垂れ、痛惜の念を表すとともに、永劫の、哀悼の誠を捧げます。
More than three million of our compatriots lost their lives during the war: on the battlefields worrying about the future of their homeland and wishing for the happiness of their families; in remote foreign countries after the war, in extreme cold or heat, suffering from starvation and disease. The atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the air raids on Tokyo and other cities, and the ground battles in Okinawa, among others, took a heavy toll among ordinary citizens without mercy.
先の大戦では、三百万余の同胞の命が失われました。祖国の行く末を案じ、家族の幸せを願いながら、戦陣に散った方々。終戦後、酷寒の、あるいは灼熱の、遠い異郷の地にあって、飢えや病に苦しみ、亡くなられた方々。広島や長崎での原爆投下、東京をはじめ各都市での爆撃、沖縄における地上戦などによって、たくさんの市井の人々が、無残にも犠牲となりました。
Also in countries that fought against Japan, countless lives were lost among young people with promising futures. In China, Southeast Asia, the Pacific islands and elsewhere that became the battlefields, numerous innocent citizens suffered and fell victim to battles as well as hardships such as severe deprivation of food. We must never forget that there were women behind the battlefields whose honour and dignity were severely injured.
戦火を交えた国々でも、将来ある若者たちの命が、数知れず失われました。中国、東南アジア、太平洋の島々など、戦場となった地域では、戦闘のみならず、食糧難などにより、多くの無辜の民が苦しみ、犠牲となりました。戦場の陰には、深く名誉と尊厳を傷つけられた女性たちがいたことも、忘れてはなりません。
Upon the innocent people did our country inflict immeasurable damage and suffering. History is harsh. What is done cannot be undone. Each and every one of them had his or her life, dream, and beloved family. When I squarely contemplate this obvious fact, even now, I find myself speechless and my heart is rent with the utmost grief.
何の罪もない人々に、計り知れない損害と苦痛を、我が国が与えた事実。歴史とは実に取り返しのつかない、苛烈なものです。一人ひとりに、それぞれの人生があり、夢があり、愛する家族があった。この当然の事実をかみしめる時、今なお、言葉を失い、ただただ、断腸の念を禁じ得ません。
The peace we enjoy today exists only upon such precious sacrifices. And therein lies the origin of postwar Japan.
これほどまでの尊い犠牲の上に、現在の平和がある。これが、戦後日本の原点であります。
We must never again repeat the devastation of war.
二度と戦争の惨禍を繰り返してはならない。
Incident, aggression, war -- we shall never again resort to any form of the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. We shall abandon colonial rule forever and respect the right of self-determination of all peoples throughout the world.
事変、侵略、戦争。いかなる武力の威嚇や行使も、国際紛争を解決する手段としては、もう二度と用いてはならない。植民地支配から永遠に訣別し、すべての民族の自決の権利が尊重される世界にしなければならない。
With deep repentance for the war, Japan made that pledge. Upon it, we have created a free and democratic country, abided by the rule of law, and consistently upheld that pledge never to wage a war again. While taking silent pride in the path we have walked as a peace-loving nation for as long as seventy years, we remain determined never to deviate from this steadfast course.
先の大戦への深い悔悟の念と共に、我が国は、そう誓いました。自由で民主的な国を創り上げ、法の支配を重んじ、ひたすら不戦の誓いを堅持してまいりました。七十年間に及ぶ平和国家としての歩みに、私たちは、静かな誇りを抱きながら、この不動の方針を、これからも貫いてまいります。
Japan has repeatedly expressed the feelings of deep remorse and heartfelt apology for its actions during the war. In order to manifest such feelings through concrete actions, we have engraved in our hearts the histories of suffering of the people in Asia as our neighbours: those in Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia and the Philippines, and Taiwan, the Republic of Korea and China, among others; and we have consistently devoted ourselves to the peace and prosperity of the region since the end of the war.
我が国は、先の大戦における行いについて、繰り返し、痛切な反省と心からのお詫びの気持ちを表明してきました。その思いを実際の行動で示すため、インドネシア、フィリピンはじめ東南アジアの国々、台湾、韓国、中国など、隣人であるアジアの人々が歩んできた苦難の歴史を胸に刻み、戦後一貫して、その平和と繁栄のために力を尽くしてきました。
Such position articulated by the previous cabinets will remain unshakable into the future.
こうした歴代内閣の立場は、今後も、揺るぎないものであります。
However, no matter what kind of efforts we may make, the sorrows of those who lost their family members and the painful memories of those who underwent immense sufferings by the destruction of war will never be healed.
ただ、私たちがいかなる努力を尽くそうとも、家族を失った方々の悲しみ、戦禍によって塗炭の苦しみを味わった人々の辛い記憶は、これからも、決して癒えることはないでしょう。
Thus, we must take to heart the following.
ですから、私たちは、心に留めなければなりません。
The fact that more than six million Japanese repatriates managed to come home safely after the war from various parts of the Asia-Pacific and became the driving force behind Japan’s postwar reconstruction; the fact that nearly three thousand Japanese children left behind in China were able to grow up there and set foot on the soil of their homeland again; and the fact that former POWs of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Australia and other nations have visited Japan for many years to continue praying for the souls of the war dead on both sides.
戦後、六百万人を超える引揚者が、アジア太平洋の各地から無事帰還でき、日本再建の原動力となった事実を。中国に置き去りにされた三千人近い日本人の子どもたちが、無事成長し、再び祖国の土を踏むことができた事実を。米国や英国、オランダ、豪州などの元捕虜の皆さんが、長年にわたり、日本を訪れ、互いの戦死者のために慰霊を続けてくれている事実を。
How much emotional struggle must have existed and what great efforts must have been necessary for the Chinese people who underwent all the sufferings of the war and for the former POWs who experienced unbearable sufferings caused by the Japanese military in order for them to be so tolerant nevertheless?
戦争の苦痛を嘗め尽くした中国人の皆さんや、日本軍によって耐え難い苦痛を受けた元捕虜の皆さんが、それほど寛容であるためには、どれほどの心の葛藤があり、いかほどの努力が必要であったか。
That is what we must turn our thoughts to reflect upon.
そのことに、私たちは、思いを致さなければなりません。
Thanks to such manifestation of tolerance, Japan was able to return to the international community in the postwar era. Taking this opportunity of the 70th anniversary of the end of the war, Japan would like to express its heartfelt gratitude to all the nations and all the people who made every effort for reconciliation.
寛容の心によって、日本は、戦後、国際社会に復帰することができました。戦後七十年のこの機にあたり、我が国は、和解のために力を尽くしてくださった、すべての国々、すべての方々に、心からの感謝の気持ちを表したいと思います。
In Japan, the postwar generations now exceed eighty per cent of its population. We must not let our children, grandchildren, and even further generations to come, who have nothing to do with that war, be predestined to apologize. Still, even so, we Japanese, across generations, must squarely face the history of the past. We have the responsibility to inherit the past, in all humbleness, and pass it on to the future.
日本では、戦後生まれの世代が、今や、人口の八割を超えています。あの戦争には何ら関わりのない、私たちの子や孫、そしてその先の世代の子どもたちに、謝罪を続ける宿命を背負わせてはなりません。しかし、それでもなお、私たち日本人は、世代を超えて、過去の歴史に真正面から向き合わなければなりません。謙虚な気持ちで、過去を受け継ぎ、未来へと引き渡す責任があります。
Our parents’ and grandparents’ generations were able to survive in a devastated land in sheer poverty after the war. The future they brought about is the one our current generation inherited and the one we will hand down to the next generation. Together with the tireless efforts of our predecessors, this has only been possible through the goodwill and assistance extended to us that transcended hatred by a truly large number of countries, such as the United States, Australia, and European nations, which Japan had fiercely fought against as enemies.
私たちの親、そのまた親の世代が、戦後の焼け野原、貧しさのどん底の中で、命をつなぐことができた。そして、現在の私たちの世代、さらに次の世代へと、未来をつないでいくことができる。それは、先人たちのたゆまぬ努力と共に、敵として熾烈に戦った、米国、豪州、欧州諸国をはじめ、本当にたくさんの国々から、恩讐を越えて、善意と支援の手が差しのべられたおかげであります。
We must pass this down from generation to generation into the future. We have the great responsibility to take the lessons of history deeply into our hearts, to carve out a better future, and to make all possible efforts for the peace and prosperity of Asia and the world.
そのことを、私たちは、未来へと語り継いでいかなければならない。歴史の教訓を深く胸に刻み、より良い未来を切り拓いていく、アジア、そして世界の平和と繁栄に力を尽くす。その大きな責任があります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when Japan attempted to break its deadlock with force. Upon this reflection, Japan will continue to firmly uphold the principle that any disputes must be settled peacefully and diplomatically based on the respect for the rule of law and not through the use of force, and to reach out to other countries in the world to do the same. As the only country to have ever suffered the devastation of atomic bombings during war, Japan will fulfil its responsibility in the international community, aiming at the non-proliferation and ultimate abolition of nuclear weapons.
私たちは、自らの行き詰まりを力によって打開しようとした過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、いかなる紛争も、法の支配を尊重し、力の行使ではなく、平和的・外交的に解決すべきである。この原則を、これからも堅く守り、世界の国々にも働きかけてまいります。唯一の戦争被爆国として、核兵器の不拡散と究極の廃絶を目指し、国際社会でその責任を果たしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when the dignity and honour of many women were severely injured during wars in the 20th century. Upon this reflection, Japan wishes to be a country always at the side of such women’s injured hearts. Japan will lead the world in making the 21st century an era in which women’s human rights are not infringed upon.
私たちは、二十世紀において、戦時下、多くの女性たちの尊厳や名誉が深く傷つけられた過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、そうした女性たちの心に、常に寄り添う国でありたい。二十一世紀こそ、女性の人権が傷つけられることのない世紀とするため、世界をリードしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when forming economic blocs made the seeds of conflict thrive. Upon this reflection, Japan will continue to develop a free, fair and open international economic system that will not be influenced by the arbitrary intentions of any nation. We will strengthen assistance for developing countries, and lead the world toward further prosperity. Prosperity is the very foundation for peace. Japan will make even greater efforts to fight against poverty, which also serves as a hotbed of violence, and to provide opportunities for medical services, education, and self-reliance to all the people in the world.
私たちは、経済のブロック化が紛争の芽を育てた過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、いかなる国の恣意にも左右されない、自由で、公正で、開かれた国際経済システムを発展させ、途上国支援を強化し、世界の更なる繁栄を牽引してまいります。繁栄こそ、平和の礎です。暴力の温床ともなる貧困に立ち向かい、世界のあらゆる人々に、医療と教育、自立の機会を提供するため、一層、力を尽くしてまいります。
We will engrave in our hearts the past, when Japan ended up becoming a challenger to the international order. Upon this reflection, Japan will firmly uphold basic values such as freedom, democracy, and human rights as unyielding values and, by working hand in hand with countries that share such values, hoist the flag of “Proactive Contribution to Peace,” and contribute to the peace and prosperity of the world more than ever before.
私たちは、国際秩序への挑戦者となってしまった過去を、この胸に刻み続けます。だからこそ、我が国は、自由、民主主義、人権といった基本的価値を揺るぎないものとして堅持し、その価値を共有する国々と手を携えて、「積極的平和主義」の旗を高く掲げ、世界の平和と繁栄にこれまで以上に貢献してまいります。
Heading toward the 80th, the 90th and the centennial anniversary of the end of the war, we are determined to create such a Japan together with the Japanese people.
終戦八十年、九十年、さらには百年に向けて、そのような日本を、国民の皆様と共に創り上げていく。その決意であります。
August 14, 2015
平成二十七年八月十四日
Shinzo Abe, Prime Minister of Japan
内閣総理大臣 安倍 晋三
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 13
EDITORIAL: Japan should open doors wider to welcome refugees
（社説）難民受け入れ 手を差しのべる姿勢を
One big humanitarian issue facing Japan is how it should deal with people who cannot remain in their own countries because of fears of possible persecution for race, religion or political opinions.
人種、宗教や政治的意見などで迫害を受けるおそれがあり、母国にとどまれない難民を、どう受け入れていくか。
The Justice Ministry will shortly decide on a basic five-year plan on Japan’s stance on accepting foreign nationals.
法務省が近く、今後５年間の外国人受け入れに関する基本計画を決めるという。
In the past three years, Japan has granted refugee status to only 35 people. Critics have long pointed out that Japan’s figure has been tiny in comparison with other industrialized countries, which accept 100 to 1,000 refugees for every one recognized by Japan.
日本の難民認定数は過去３年間で計３５人にとどまる。過去をさかのぼっても、受け入れは他の主要国より２、３けた違いで少ないと指摘されてきた。
Worldwide, the number of people seeking asylum last year jumped 54 percent over the previous year to reach an all-time high, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
国連難民高等弁務官事務所（ＵＮＨＣＲ）によると、昨年の世界の難民申請者は、前年の５４％増で過去最多になった。
This rapid growth in refugees is one of the most pressing humanitarian challenges confronting the world. The Justice Ministry’s new plan for accepting foreign nationals should be designed to ensure Japan will fulfill its international responsibility to tackle the challenge.
難民は、いまの世界で最も切迫した人道問題の一つである。新計画は、国際責任をきちんと果たすものにすべきだ。
The ministry published a draft of its plan in June. It stressed Japan’s willingness to only accept people from other nations that it needs, such as those with particular skills and others who can work in the construction sector to help alleviate an expected shortage of workers in the lead-up to the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. However, the draft blueprint has created the impression that Japan is reluctant to accept more refugees.
法務省は計画案を６月に公開した。高度な専門性のある人、東京五輪に向けて建設分野で働ける人など日本側が必要とする外国人の受け入れを強調する一方、難民については後ろ向きの印象を与えている。
In analyzing the situation of asylum seekers in Japan, the document points out there are many foreign nationals who try to abuse the asylum system by applying for refugee status despite having no good reason for fearing persecution in their homeland.
迫害のおそれがあるとはいえないのに難民申請する乱用が多いと現状を分析。
The draft plan contains measures to deal with this problem. One measure would allow the ministry to reject asylum claims without full-scale screening in cases where the intention to abuse the program is clear. In such cases, the applicants would not be able to file a fresh application for refugee status until new relevant circumstances emerge.
そのうえで、乱用が明らかな場合は本格審査前に振り分け、一度認定されなければ再申請できるのは新しい事情が生じたときに限るなどの対策を盛り込んだ。
In the meantime, an advisory panel of experts for the ministry called for the creation of a system to provide relief to people who don’t qualify as refugees under the international treaty but who nevertheless need protection. Yet, the draft plan offers no specific road map toward the goal.
一方で、法務省の有識者会議が、国際条約でいう難民には当たらないものの保護の必要性がある人を救済するしくみを求めていたが、計画案はその具体的な道筋を示さなかった。
In an unusual move, the UNHCR has officially voiced concerns about the content of the draft plan. The U.N. refugee agency has pointed out the risk that some people who really need protection could be rejected as fake refugees under the plan.
そんな内容をめぐっては、ＵＮＨＣＲが懸念を公式に表明する異例の事態になった。真に保護が必要な人も偽装難民とされるおそれがあると指摘した。
The Justice Ministry should pay serious attention to the UNHCR’s warning as a candid opinion expressed by a legitimate, experienced international organization working in the area.
国際機関の率直な意見として、法務省は耳を傾けるべきだ。
Asylum seekers are allowed to work in Japan if they are residing legally in the country.
難民申請中は、正規滞在の人であれば就労を認められる。
As there is a limit on the number of ordinary foreign nationals allowed to work in Japan, some people may apply for refugee status purely to be qualified to work here. But that does not justify being too eager to raise the bar for all asylum seekers.
ふつうの外国人が日本国内で働ける枠が限られる中、就労資格を求めて難民申請する人はいるかもしれない。だが、だからといって認定の幅を狭めることには慎重であるべきだ。
It is not easy even for people who clearly qualify as refugees to prove that they deserve refugee status.
明らかに難民にあたる人でも自らそれを証明するのは簡単ではない。
Generally, people become refugees under various situations of confusion. It is not unusual that even legitimate asylum seekers are unable to produce documents to support their asylum claims.
難民になる事情にはさまざまな混乱が伴うのだから、証拠の文書を求められても困難な場合は珍しくない。
If the ministry intends to review the refugee screening process, the focus should be on why Japan has recognized only a far smaller number of refugees than other industrial nations and whether the screening is simply too rigorous.
審査のあり方を見直すのであればむしろ、なぜ各国に比べてここまで認定が少ないのか、審査が厳格すぎないかを、焦点に据えるべきだろう。
Given the situation in such regions as the Middle East and Africa, an overwhelming majority of people who really need protection cannot reach Japan to seek asylum.
中東、アフリカなどの状況では、保護を求めて日本までたどり着けない人が圧倒的に多い。
It is time for Japan to consider how it can provide effective relief to such people.
日本発でどう助けの手を差しのべるか、考えるときだ。
EDITORIAL: Japan should open doors wider to welcome refugees
（社説）難民受け入れ 手を差しのべる姿勢を
One big humanitarian issue facing Japan is how it should deal with people who cannot remain in their own countries because of fears of possible persecution for race, religion or political opinions.
人種、宗教や政治的意見などで迫害を受けるおそれがあり、母国にとどまれない難民を、どう受け入れていくか。
The Justice Ministry will shortly decide on a basic five-year plan on Japan’s stance on accepting foreign nationals.
法務省が近く、今後５年間の外国人受け入れに関する基本計画を決めるという。
In the past three years, Japan has granted refugee status to only 35 people. Critics have long pointed out that Japan’s figure has been tiny in comparison with other industrialized countries, which accept 100 to 1,000 refugees for every one recognized by Japan.
日本の難民認定数は過去３年間で計３５人にとどまる。過去をさかのぼっても、受け入れは他の主要国より２、３けた違いで少ないと指摘されてきた。
Worldwide, the number of people seeking asylum last year jumped 54 percent over the previous year to reach an all-time high, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
国連難民高等弁務官事務所（ＵＮＨＣＲ）によると、昨年の世界の難民申請者は、前年の５４％増で過去最多になった。
This rapid growth in refugees is one of the most pressing humanitarian challenges confronting the world. The Justice Ministry’s new plan for accepting foreign nationals should be designed to ensure Japan will fulfill its international responsibility to tackle the challenge.
難民は、いまの世界で最も切迫した人道問題の一つである。新計画は、国際責任をきちんと果たすものにすべきだ。
The ministry published a draft of its plan in June. It stressed Japan’s willingness to only accept people from other nations that it needs, such as those with particular skills and others who can work in the construction sector to help alleviate an expected shortage of workers in the lead-up to the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. However, the draft blueprint has created the impression that Japan is reluctant to accept more refugees.
法務省は計画案を６月に公開した。高度な専門性のある人、東京五輪に向けて建設分野で働ける人など日本側が必要とする外国人の受け入れを強調する一方、難民については後ろ向きの印象を与えている。
In analyzing the situation of asylum seekers in Japan, the document points out there are many foreign nationals who try to abuse the asylum system by applying for refugee status despite having no good reason for fearing persecution in their homeland.
迫害のおそれがあるとはいえないのに難民申請する乱用が多いと現状を分析。
The draft plan contains measures to deal with this problem. One measure would allow the ministry to reject asylum claims without full-scale screening in cases where the intention to abuse the program is clear. In such cases, the applicants would not be able to file a fresh application for refugee status until new relevant circumstances emerge.
そのうえで、乱用が明らかな場合は本格審査前に振り分け、一度認定されなければ再申請できるのは新しい事情が生じたときに限るなどの対策を盛り込んだ。
In the meantime, an advisory panel of experts for the ministry called for the creation of a system to provide relief to people who don’t qualify as refugees under the international treaty but who nevertheless need protection. Yet, the draft plan offers no specific road map toward the goal.
一方で、法務省の有識者会議が、国際条約でいう難民には当たらないものの保護の必要性がある人を救済するしくみを求めていたが、計画案はその具体的な道筋を示さなかった。
In an unusual move, the UNHCR has officially voiced concerns about the content of the draft plan. The U.N. refugee agency has pointed out the risk that some people who really need protection could be rejected as fake refugees under the plan.
そんな内容をめぐっては、ＵＮＨＣＲが懸念を公式に表明する異例の事態になった。真に保護が必要な人も偽装難民とされるおそれがあると指摘した。
The Justice Ministry should pay serious attention to the UNHCR’s warning as a candid opinion expressed by a legitimate, experienced international organization working in the area.
国際機関の率直な意見として、法務省は耳を傾けるべきだ。
Asylum seekers are allowed to work in Japan if they are residing legally in the country.
難民申請中は、正規滞在の人であれば就労を認められる。
As there is a limit on the number of ordinary foreign nationals allowed to work in Japan, some people may apply for refugee status purely to be qualified to work here. But that does not justify being too eager to raise the bar for all asylum seekers.
ふつうの外国人が日本国内で働ける枠が限られる中、就労資格を求めて難民申請する人はいるかもしれない。だが、だからといって認定の幅を狭めることには慎重であるべきだ。
It is not easy even for people who clearly qualify as refugees to prove that they deserve refugee status.
明らかに難民にあたる人でも自らそれを証明するのは簡単ではない。
Generally, people become refugees under various situations of confusion. It is not unusual that even legitimate asylum seekers are unable to produce documents to support their asylum claims.
難民になる事情にはさまざまな混乱が伴うのだから、証拠の文書を求められても困難な場合は珍しくない。
If the ministry intends to review the refugee screening process, the focus should be on why Japan has recognized only a far smaller number of refugees than other industrial nations and whether the screening is simply too rigorous.
審査のあり方を見直すのであればむしろ、なぜ各国に比べてここまで認定が少ないのか、審査が厳格すぎないかを、焦点に据えるべきだろう。
Given the situation in such regions as the Middle East and Africa, an overwhelming majority of people who really need protection cannot reach Japan to seek asylum.
中東、アフリカなどの状況では、保護を求めて日本までたどり着けない人が圧倒的に多い。
It is time for Japan to consider how it can provide effective relief to such people.
日本発でどう助けの手を差しのべるか、考えるときだ。
The Yomiuri Shimbun
JAL must pledge anew safe flights on 30th anniversary of fatal accident
日航機墜落３０年 安全運航への誓いを新たに
Wednesday marks the 30th anniversary of a JAL jumbo jet crash into Mt. Osutaka in Gunma Prefecture that claimed the lives of 520 passengers and crew members.
日航ジャンボ機が群馬県・御巣鷹山に墜落し、乗員乗客５２０人が犠牲になった事故から、１２日で３０年を迎える。
It was the worst single-airplane accident in the history of world aviation. Time has passed, but it cannot erase the grief of families who lost loved ones. We want to see the anniversary day serve as an opportunity to pledge anew to ensuring the safety of air travel without letting the memory of the accident fade.
単独機の事故としては今なお、世界の航空史上最悪の惨事だ。遺族の無念は、年月を経ても変わるまい。事故の記憶を風化させず、空の安全を改めて誓う日としたい。
The jumbo jet was involved in a tailstrike accident during a landing in 1978, seven years before the fatal 1985 crash. Due to subsequent inadequate repairs by Boeing Co. of the United States, the aircraft’s rear pressure bulkhead broke up in flight and this resulted in the crash, according to a conclusion by the then Aircraft Accident Investigation Commission.
ジャンボ機は墜落の７年前の１９７８年、着陸時に尻もち事故を起こしていた。この際の米ボーイング社による修理が不適切だったため、後部の圧力隔壁が飛行中に破断し、墜落の原因となった。
The commission told Japan Air Lines (currently Japan Airlines) that “its inspection methods were not adequate.”
当時の航空事故調査委員会は、こう結論付け、日本航空に対しても、「点検方法に十分とはいえない点があった」と指摘した。
After the 1985 disaster, the airline carried out improvement measures, including an overhaul of its maintenance system. Despite this, it received a business improvement order from the Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Ministry in 2005 in the aftermath of the revelation of multiple instances of inadequate maintenance.
日航は事故後、整備システムの全面見直しなどを実施した。それにもかかわらず、２００５年に整備ミスなどが相次ぎ、国土交通省から事業改善命令を受けた。
As one countermeasure, JAL established the Safety Promotion Center in 2006 at Haneda Airport. The center has played a major role as the hub for safety education for its employees. Looking at the wreckage of the pressure bulkhead, as well as articles and notes left by the victims, helps to impress upon employees the importance of safe flight operations.
対応策として、０６年に羽田空港内に設けた「安全啓発センター」は、社員教育の拠点として大きな役割を果たしている。圧力隔壁の残骸や遺品、遺書を目にすることで、社員は安全運航の大切さを再認識する。
All 35,000 JAL employees, including those from its group companies, had taken part in seminars at the center as of last March. More than 90 percent of JAL’s current employees joined the airline after the accident. This makes the importance of inheriting lessons from the disaster even greater.
グループ企業を含めた３万５０００人の全社員が、今年３月までに研修を受けた。今では、事故後に入社した社員が９割以上を占める。事故の教訓を継承する安全教育の重要性は増している。
Cultivate safety-first mindset
At the time of its financial management crisis in 2010, JAL put forth “safe flight operations” as the primary goal of its management as it worked toward revitalization. We want JAL to establish corporate culture that gives top priority to safety.
日航は１０年の経営危機を機に、再生へ向けた経営目標の第一に「安全運航」を掲げた。その理念を忘れず、安全最優先の企業風土を築き上げてもらいたい。
Since the 1985 JAL accident, there have been no passenger fatalities due to domestic airline accidents. However, “serious incidents” that might very well have led to great disasters have not ceased to happen. In June at Naha Airport, for example, an All Nippon Airways jetliner ready to take off was interrupted by an Air Self-Defense Force helicopter flying across its path.
日航機事故後、国内航空会社で乗客が死亡する事故はない。ただし、一歩間違えば大惨事となりかねない重大インシデントは後を絶たない。６月には那覇空港で、離陸直前の全日空機の前を自衛隊ヘリが横切るトラブルがあった。
The total number of landings at domestic airports has nearly doubled from 30 years ago. Given the market participation of low-cost carriers and other factors, domestic airline companies face harsh competition. But they can never be allowed to neglect efforts to ensure safety in flight operations.
国内空港の総着陸回数は３０年前の２倍近くに増えた。格安航空会社（ＬＣＣ）の参入などで、航空会社は激しい競争にさらされているが、安全運航への取り組みを怠ることは、決して許されない。
Well known in this regard is Heinrich’s Law, which states, “For every accident that causes a major injury, there are 29 accidents that cause minor injuries and 300 accidents that cause no injuries.” It is essential to share information among those involved in the civil aviation industry and to prevent accidents by nipping them in the bud while they are still at the stage of small mistakes.
重大事故の背景には、２９件の軽微な事故と３００件の小さなミスがあるとする「ハインリッヒの法則」が知られる。航空業界で情報を共有し、小さなミスの段階で事故の芽を摘むことが大切だ。
The transport ministry last year launched a system under which airlines are asked to voluntarily report even small operational mistakes, for which reporting is not mandatory, and information that should be made known is then published. The system must be used to prevent further accidents.
国土交通省は昨年、報告義務のない小さなミスも航空会社に自発的に報告させ、周知すべき情報は公開する制度をスタートした。事故防止に役立てたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 11, 2015)
JAL must pledge anew safe flights on 30th anniversary of fatal accident
日航機墜落３０年 安全運航への誓いを新たに
Wednesday marks the 30th anniversary of a JAL jumbo jet crash into Mt. Osutaka in Gunma Prefecture that claimed the lives of 520 passengers and crew members.
日航ジャンボ機が群馬県・御巣鷹山に墜落し、乗員乗客５２０人が犠牲になった事故から、１２日で３０年を迎える。
It was the worst single-airplane accident in the history of world aviation. Time has passed, but it cannot erase the grief of families who lost loved ones. We want to see the anniversary day serve as an opportunity to pledge anew to ensuring the safety of air travel without letting the memory of the accident fade.
単独機の事故としては今なお、世界の航空史上最悪の惨事だ。遺族の無念は、年月を経ても変わるまい。事故の記憶を風化させず、空の安全を改めて誓う日としたい。
The jumbo jet was involved in a tailstrike accident during a landing in 1978, seven years before the fatal 1985 crash. Due to subsequent inadequate repairs by Boeing Co. of the United States, the aircraft’s rear pressure bulkhead broke up in flight and this resulted in the crash, according to a conclusion by the then Aircraft Accident Investigation Commission.
ジャンボ機は墜落の７年前の１９７８年、着陸時に尻もち事故を起こしていた。この際の米ボーイング社による修理が不適切だったため、後部の圧力隔壁が飛行中に破断し、墜落の原因となった。
The commission told Japan Air Lines (currently Japan Airlines) that “its inspection methods were not adequate.”
当時の航空事故調査委員会は、こう結論付け、日本航空に対しても、「点検方法に十分とはいえない点があった」と指摘した。
After the 1985 disaster, the airline carried out improvement measures, including an overhaul of its maintenance system. Despite this, it received a business improvement order from the Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Ministry in 2005 in the aftermath of the revelation of multiple instances of inadequate maintenance.
日航は事故後、整備システムの全面見直しなどを実施した。それにもかかわらず、２００５年に整備ミスなどが相次ぎ、国土交通省から事業改善命令を受けた。
As one countermeasure, JAL established the Safety Promotion Center in 2006 at Haneda Airport. The center has played a major role as the hub for safety education for its employees. Looking at the wreckage of the pressure bulkhead, as well as articles and notes left by the victims, helps to impress upon employees the importance of safe flight operations.
対応策として、０６年に羽田空港内に設けた「安全啓発センター」は、社員教育の拠点として大きな役割を果たしている。圧力隔壁の残骸や遺品、遺書を目にすることで、社員は安全運航の大切さを再認識する。
All 35,000 JAL employees, including those from its group companies, had taken part in seminars at the center as of last March. More than 90 percent of JAL’s current employees joined the airline after the accident. This makes the importance of inheriting lessons from the disaster even greater.
グループ企業を含めた３万５０００人の全社員が、今年３月までに研修を受けた。今では、事故後に入社した社員が９割以上を占める。事故の教訓を継承する安全教育の重要性は増している。
Cultivate safety-first mindset
At the time of its financial management crisis in 2010, JAL put forth “safe flight operations” as the primary goal of its management as it worked toward revitalization. We want JAL to establish corporate culture that gives top priority to safety.
日航は１０年の経営危機を機に、再生へ向けた経営目標の第一に「安全運航」を掲げた。その理念を忘れず、安全最優先の企業風土を築き上げてもらいたい。
Since the 1985 JAL accident, there have been no passenger fatalities due to domestic airline accidents. However, “serious incidents” that might very well have led to great disasters have not ceased to happen. In June at Naha Airport, for example, an All Nippon Airways jetliner ready to take off was interrupted by an Air Self-Defense Force helicopter flying across its path.
日航機事故後、国内航空会社で乗客が死亡する事故はない。ただし、一歩間違えば大惨事となりかねない重大インシデントは後を絶たない。６月には那覇空港で、離陸直前の全日空機の前を自衛隊ヘリが横切るトラブルがあった。
The total number of landings at domestic airports has nearly doubled from 30 years ago. Given the market participation of low-cost carriers and other factors, domestic airline companies face harsh competition. But they can never be allowed to neglect efforts to ensure safety in flight operations.
国内空港の総着陸回数は３０年前の２倍近くに増えた。格安航空会社（ＬＣＣ）の参入などで、航空会社は激しい競争にさらされているが、安全運航への取り組みを怠ることは、決して許されない。
Well known in this regard is Heinrich’s Law, which states, “For every accident that causes a major injury, there are 29 accidents that cause minor injuries and 300 accidents that cause no injuries.” It is essential to share information among those involved in the civil aviation industry and to prevent accidents by nipping them in the bud while they are still at the stage of small mistakes.
重大事故の背景には、２９件の軽微な事故と３００件の小さなミスがあるとする「ハインリッヒの法則」が知られる。航空業界で情報を共有し、小さなミスの段階で事故の芽を摘むことが大切だ。
The transport ministry last year launched a system under which airlines are asked to voluntarily report even small operational mistakes, for which reporting is not mandatory, and information that should be made known is then published. The system must be used to prevent further accidents.
国土交通省は昨年、報告義務のない小さなミスも航空会社に自発的に報告させ、周知すべき情報は公開する制度をスタートした。事故防止に役立てたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 11, 2015)
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 9
EDITORIAL: ‘Unconstitutional’ security bills set no limit on military logistical support
（社説）「違憲」法案 限定なき兵站の中身
Discussions on the content of military logistics (or “rear-echelon support” in the parlance of current politics) to be provided overseas by Japan’s Self-Defense Forces have emerged as a focus of attention during deliberations in the Upper House over a controversial package of new security-related bills.
新たな安全保障関連法案をめぐる参院審議で、自衛隊が海外で行う兵站（へいたん）（後方支援）の中身の議論が焦点になっている。
We simply cannot believe our ears at the sheer extent of the limitlessness and the breadth of discretion to be given to the government.
あまりの無限定ぶりと、政府の裁量の幅広さに耳を疑う。
During the last several days of debate, the government has explained that it would be legally allowed to provide the following services to foreign troops:
ここ数日の審議で、政府が法律上、他国軍に対して可能だと説明したのは次の通りだ。
[Transport of weaponry and ammunition] Missiles and tanks of the U.S. military forces, chemical weapons, toxic gas weapons and nuclear weapons
【武器弾薬の輸送】米軍のミサイルや戦車、化学兵器、毒ガス兵器、核兵器
[Supply of ammunition] Grenades, rocket bombs, tank ammunition, nuclear weapons, depleted uranium munitions, cluster bombs
【弾薬の提供】手榴（しゅりゅう）弾、ロケット弾、戦車砲弾、核兵器、劣化ウラン弾、クラスター爆弾
[Refueling] Airborne and seaborne refueling of U.S. fighter jets and combat helicopters that are embarking on bombing missions, and refueling of fighter jets and bombers that carry nuclear missiles or nuclear bombs
【給油活動】爆撃に向かう米軍の戦闘機や戦闘ヘリに対する空中給油や洋上の給油。核ミサイルや核爆弾を積んだ戦闘機や爆撃機への給油
There is no doubt that the bills would significantly expand the leeway for discretion to be used by the administration of the time when compared with the existing legislation, which does not allow Japan to supply ammunition or provide other services to foreign troops. At the very least, virtually no restriction is expected to be set by the text of the legislation.
弾薬の提供などが認められていないこれまでの法制に比べ、時の政権の裁量の余地が大きく広がっているのは間違いない。少なくとも、法文上の歯止めはないに等しい。
For example, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani made a nuanced remark in regard to the transport of cluster bombs, which scatter bomblets over broad areas and create serious threats from unexploded bomblets. He said the transport of cluster bombs “will not be ruled out legally, but decisions will be made carefully, because Japan is signatory to an international convention that totally bans their use and manufacture.”
たとえば広範囲に子爆弾が飛び散り、不発弾被害も深刻なクラスター爆弾の輸送について、中谷防衛相は「法律上排除はしないが、日本は使用や製造を全面禁止した条約締結国で、慎重に判断する」と含みを残した。
Nakatani also remained noncommittal on the transport of depleted uranium munitions, which contain radioactive substances, when he said, “I cannot say definitively if it will be allowed to transport depleted uranium munitions of other countries.”
放射性物質を含む劣化ウラン弾の輸送も「他国の劣化ウラン弾を輸送できるか確定的に言えない」と明言を避けた。
The government takes the stance that Japan will consider all factors at hand in making policy decisions on whether to actually put into practice something that is legally allowed. It is certainly true that Japan has no way to supply nuclear weapons, depleted uranium munitions or cluster bombs, none of which it possesses, to foreign troops.
法律上は可能であっても、実際に行うかどうかは総合的に政策判断する、というのが政府の立場だ。事実、日本は核兵器や劣化ウラン弾、クラスター爆弾を持っておらず、他国軍に提供できないのはその通りだ。
But speaking in general terms, it appears unlikely for Tokyo to refuse Washington’s strong request for transport operations, except in extremely improbable cases, such as the transport of nuclear weapons.
ただ、核兵器の輸送などおよそ想定しにくいケースはまだしも、一般的に米国から輸送を強く要請された時、日本政府が拒むことは考えにくい。
It has so far been believed that unconstitutionality of operations that are construed as constituting “integrated use of force with foreign troops” would apply the brakes of sorts on similar operations. It has been learned, however, that Japan’s SDF transported armed U.S. soldiers during its airlift operations in Iraq. Given that, there could be a situation where anything goes if the security bills become law.
これまでは、他国軍との武力行使の一体化にあたり、憲法違反になることが一応の歯止めとされていた。それでも、イラクでの自衛隊の空輸活動では、武装した米兵らを輸送していたことが明らかになった。これで安保法案が成立したら、なんでもありにならないか。
The bills do not limit the beneficiary of logistical support to U.S. troops. They would allow logistical support to be provided anywhere except in areas of “ongoing combat.” They would allow Japan to supply ammunition to foreign troops, transport weaponry and ammunition for foreign troops, and refuel aircraft of foreign troops being prepared for takeoff. They would allow Japan to do so anywhere in the world.
法案では、兵站の対象は米軍に限らない。実施地域も「現に戦闘を行っている現場」以外は容認される。世界のどこでも他国軍に弾薬が提供でき、武器弾薬を輸送でき、発進準備中の航空機への給油もできる。
And they allow leeway for policy decisions to be made and discretion to be used by the administration of the time to provide this much military logistical support, which could constitute “integrated use of force with foreign troops.”
他国軍の武力行使と一体化しかねないこれだけの兵站が、時の政権の政策判断、裁量によってできる余地がある。
We are only led to suspect ever more strongly that the security bills are unconstitutional, not only because they are based on a controversial decision to lift the country’s self-imposed ban on exercising the right to collective self-defense, but also because they are expected to allow logistical support to this extent to be provided.
集団的自衛権の行使容認だけでなく、兵站の中身をみても、違憲の疑いがますます濃い。
EDITORIAL: ‘Unconstitutional’ security bills set no limit on military logistical support
（社説）「違憲」法案 限定なき兵站の中身
Discussions on the content of military logistics (or “rear-echelon support” in the parlance of current politics) to be provided overseas by Japan’s Self-Defense Forces have emerged as a focus of attention during deliberations in the Upper House over a controversial package of new security-related bills.
新たな安全保障関連法案をめぐる参院審議で、自衛隊が海外で行う兵站（へいたん）（後方支援）の中身の議論が焦点になっている。
We simply cannot believe our ears at the sheer extent of the limitlessness and the breadth of discretion to be given to the government.
あまりの無限定ぶりと、政府の裁量の幅広さに耳を疑う。
During the last several days of debate, the government has explained that it would be legally allowed to provide the following services to foreign troops:
ここ数日の審議で、政府が法律上、他国軍に対して可能だと説明したのは次の通りだ。
[Transport of weaponry and ammunition] Missiles and tanks of the U.S. military forces, chemical weapons, toxic gas weapons and nuclear weapons
【武器弾薬の輸送】米軍のミサイルや戦車、化学兵器、毒ガス兵器、核兵器
[Supply of ammunition] Grenades, rocket bombs, tank ammunition, nuclear weapons, depleted uranium munitions, cluster bombs
【弾薬の提供】手榴（しゅりゅう）弾、ロケット弾、戦車砲弾、核兵器、劣化ウラン弾、クラスター爆弾
[Refueling] Airborne and seaborne refueling of U.S. fighter jets and combat helicopters that are embarking on bombing missions, and refueling of fighter jets and bombers that carry nuclear missiles or nuclear bombs
【給油活動】爆撃に向かう米軍の戦闘機や戦闘ヘリに対する空中給油や洋上の給油。核ミサイルや核爆弾を積んだ戦闘機や爆撃機への給油
There is no doubt that the bills would significantly expand the leeway for discretion to be used by the administration of the time when compared with the existing legislation, which does not allow Japan to supply ammunition or provide other services to foreign troops. At the very least, virtually no restriction is expected to be set by the text of the legislation.
弾薬の提供などが認められていないこれまでの法制に比べ、時の政権の裁量の余地が大きく広がっているのは間違いない。少なくとも、法文上の歯止めはないに等しい。
For example, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani made a nuanced remark in regard to the transport of cluster bombs, which scatter bomblets over broad areas and create serious threats from unexploded bomblets. He said the transport of cluster bombs “will not be ruled out legally, but decisions will be made carefully, because Japan is signatory to an international convention that totally bans their use and manufacture.”
たとえば広範囲に子爆弾が飛び散り、不発弾被害も深刻なクラスター爆弾の輸送について、中谷防衛相は「法律上排除はしないが、日本は使用や製造を全面禁止した条約締結国で、慎重に判断する」と含みを残した。
Nakatani also remained noncommittal on the transport of depleted uranium munitions, which contain radioactive substances, when he said, “I cannot say definitively if it will be allowed to transport depleted uranium munitions of other countries.”
放射性物質を含む劣化ウラン弾の輸送も「他国の劣化ウラン弾を輸送できるか確定的に言えない」と明言を避けた。
The government takes the stance that Japan will consider all factors at hand in making policy decisions on whether to actually put into practice something that is legally allowed. It is certainly true that Japan has no way to supply nuclear weapons, depleted uranium munitions or cluster bombs, none of which it possesses, to foreign troops.
法律上は可能であっても、実際に行うかどうかは総合的に政策判断する、というのが政府の立場だ。事実、日本は核兵器や劣化ウラン弾、クラスター爆弾を持っておらず、他国軍に提供できないのはその通りだ。
But speaking in general terms, it appears unlikely for Tokyo to refuse Washington’s strong request for transport operations, except in extremely improbable cases, such as the transport of nuclear weapons.
ただ、核兵器の輸送などおよそ想定しにくいケースはまだしも、一般的に米国から輸送を強く要請された時、日本政府が拒むことは考えにくい。
It has so far been believed that unconstitutionality of operations that are construed as constituting “integrated use of force with foreign troops” would apply the brakes of sorts on similar operations. It has been learned, however, that Japan’s SDF transported armed U.S. soldiers during its airlift operations in Iraq. Given that, there could be a situation where anything goes if the security bills become law.
これまでは、他国軍との武力行使の一体化にあたり、憲法違反になることが一応の歯止めとされていた。それでも、イラクでの自衛隊の空輸活動では、武装した米兵らを輸送していたことが明らかになった。これで安保法案が成立したら、なんでもありにならないか。
The bills do not limit the beneficiary of logistical support to U.S. troops. They would allow logistical support to be provided anywhere except in areas of “ongoing combat.” They would allow Japan to supply ammunition to foreign troops, transport weaponry and ammunition for foreign troops, and refuel aircraft of foreign troops being prepared for takeoff. They would allow Japan to do so anywhere in the world.
法案では、兵站の対象は米軍に限らない。実施地域も「現に戦闘を行っている現場」以外は容認される。世界のどこでも他国軍に弾薬が提供でき、武器弾薬を輸送でき、発進準備中の航空機への給油もできる。
And they allow leeway for policy decisions to be made and discretion to be used by the administration of the time to provide this much military logistical support, which could constitute “integrated use of force with foreign troops.”
他国軍の武力行使と一体化しかねないこれだけの兵站が、時の政権の政策判断、裁量によってできる余地がある。
We are only led to suspect ever more strongly that the security bills are unconstitutional, not only because they are based on a controversial decision to lift the country’s self-imposed ban on exercising the right to collective self-defense, but also because they are expected to allow logistical support to this extent to be provided.
集団的自衛権の行使容認だけでなく、兵站の中身をみても、違憲の疑いがますます濃い。
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■近況
２００９年の９月１５日に脳梗塞を発症、右手が少し不自由になりました。
MRAで脳梗塞の部位を特定でき、素早い処置をとれたので大事に至りませんでした。
快復にむけてリハビリ中です。
(2011/01/01更新)
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[ はじめに ]
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[ 名前 ]
松井 清 （スラチャイ）
[ 略歴 ]
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18 確認を求めるとき
19 状況を知りたいとき
20 値段の尋ね方と断り方
21 急いでもらいたいとき
22 待ってもらいたいとき
23 日時・場所・天候を尋ねるとき
24 その他
seesaa100 英字新聞s HPs ２
タイの文化一覧:
01 雨の日にも傘をささないタイ人
02 勉強熱心なタイ人女性たち
03 タイ人は敬謙な仏教徒
04 タイの市場
05 タイの食堂
06 タイ人は外食が大好き
07 果物王国タイランド
08 タイ人の誕生日
09 タイの電話代は高い
10 微笑みの国タイランド
1４の戒律（テラワーダ仏教戒律）
seesaaサイト内リンク一覧：
第０１番目の戒律
第０２番目の戒律
第０３番目の戒律
第０４番目の戒律
第０５番目の戒律
第０６番目の戒律
第０７番目の戒律
第０８番目の戒律
第０９番目の戒律
第１０番目の戒律
第１１番目の戒律
第１２番目の戒律
第１３番目の戒律
第１４番目の戒律
1４の戒律（テラワーダ仏教戒律）
サイト外HPリンク一覧：
１４の戒律解説
第０１番目の戒律
第０２番目の戒律
第０３番目の戒律
第０４番目の戒律
第０５番目の戒律
第０６番目の戒律
第０７番目の戒律
第０８番目の戒律
第０９番目の戒律
第１０番目の戒律
第１１番目の戒律
第１２番目の戒律
第１３番目の戒律
第１４番目の戒律
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