英字新聞
読売、毎日、朝日各社英字新聞の主として社説を学習研究します

意を決して乗り込んだ希望（のぞみ）の船が、かちかち山のどろ船だったら浮かばれませんが、他に乗るべき船が見当たらないのが現実です。若い人を中心に、選挙では、この平成の坂本竜馬に人気が集中するのでしょう。
そして、自分たちが年老いたときに、初めて、自分たちの決断が間違いであったことを思い知らされるのかも知れません。

（スラチャイ）

--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 15
EDITORIAL: Hashimoto's rise underlines public mistrust in politics
大阪維新の会―なぜいま「国盗り」か

February 15, 2012

Osaka Ishin no Kai (Osaka restoration association), a political party led by Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimto, has drafted its campaign pledges for the next Lower House election.
　大阪市の橋下徹市長が代表を務める大阪維新の会が、次の衆院選に向けた公約集「船中八策」の骨格をつくった。

The draft manifesto covers broad subjects that include foreign policy, the economy and the social security system, in addition to rehashing the party's resolve to overhaul the nation's local administrative structures, bureaucracy and education.
　これまで主張してきた都市制度や公務員、教育改革に限らず、外交、経済、社会保障など幅広い分野に言及している。

The party intends to field 300 candidates for the Lower House, where it hopes to capture 200 seats.
　衆院選で３００人を擁立し、２００議席をめざすという。

We have no issues with a regional political organization advancing into national politics in order to change the country.
　地域の政治団体が国政に乗り出して国を変えようとすることを否定はしない。

But Osaka Ishin no Kai's main objective at its inception was to turn Osaka into a metropolis-cum-prefecture.
We can hardly say that the party has provided any satisfactory explanation for its abrupt change of course to seek considerable representation in the Diet.
しかし、大阪都の実現を目標としていた維新の会が、国政での大量議席獲得にかじを切った理由が十分説明されたとはいいがたい。

Right after winning the Osaka mayoral election in November last year, Hashimoto asserted: "My goal is to consolidate the administrative functions of the municipal and prefectural governments of Osaka.
　昨年１１月の市長選直後、橋下市長は「大阪都実現がゴール。

It is for members of the Diet to change the country. I would be overstepping my bounds as a mayor to think I, too, could do it."
国を変えるのは国会議員で、市長の僕が考えるのはやりすぎ」と言っていた。

Hashimoto also said that the party's advance into national politics would be conditional on failing to win support from other parties on his Osaka-metropolis-prefecture concept.
　国政進出は、他党から「都構想への協力が得られなければ」という限定付きだった。

In actuality, however, the Liberal Democratic Party and Your Party have indicated their support and proposed their respective plans for reforming the local autonomy law.
　実際、自民やみんなの党は協力姿勢を示し、地方自治法の改正案を提案している。

The fact that Hashimoto has set a more ambitious goal for his party would seem to suggest that his real, personal target has always been to become the nation's top leader.
　そんななかで、さらに大きな目標を立てて突っ走る。「国盗（と）り」こそが真の目的だったということだろうか。

In a little over two months since he became mayor, Hashimoto has come up with quite an array of reform plans, but work has only just begun.
　市長就任から約２カ月。橋下氏は矢継ぎ早に改革の方針を打ち出しているが、いずれも緒についたばかりだ。

And the party has not rewritten its prospectus, where it is defined as a "regional political party" that "aims for Osaka's revival."
地域政党として「国の政党と一線を画す」「大阪再生をめざす」という同会の設立趣旨もそのままだ。

The party has expanded its influence on the strength of Hashimoto's tremendous mass appeal.
　維新の会は橋下氏個人の人気で勢力を広げてきた。

But Hashimoto himself has denied any possibility of running for the Lower House.
ところが橋下氏は自身の衆院選出馬を否定する。

We believe questions will be raised in the days ahead over whether it is appropriate for Hashimoto to remain the mayor of Osaka while his party seeks to seize the reins of national government.
国政を握ろうとする党のトップが自治体の長にとどまる是非も今後問われるだろう。

Campaign pledges include the abolition of the Upper House and popular election of the prime minister, both of which are predicated on constitutional revision.
The manifesto also envisions a pension program under which people will pay their premiums without collecting benefits later, which would require a radical overhaul of the conventional pension system.
　公約集には、参議院の廃止や首相公選制といった改憲が前提となる案、年金の掛け捨て制など既存の枠組みを抜本的に変える発想が含まれる。問題意識を並べたアイデア段階ともいえる。

These are still only "ideas" rather than official policy plans, and the party needs to deliberate them before they ask the public to judge.
世に問うには、党内でもっと議論を煮詰める必要がある。

In the meantime, a political academy the party is scheduled to open next month has already received applications from more than 3,000 people. They will undoubtedly form a huge reserve of would-be candidates in the next Lower House election.
　一方で来月開講する維新政治塾には３千人以上の応募があり、候補者予備軍となろう。

Hashimoto comes across as a strong, reliable leader because the speed with which he challenges vested interests contrasts sharply with the administration's inability to fulfill its promises, year after year, with prime ministers effectively coming and going every year.
　スピード感を持って既得権益に挑む橋下氏の姿は、公約を実現できず毎年のように首相が代わる国の政治と好対照をなし、力強く映る。

Seeing Hashimoto's style of politics, the public has understandably come to hope, if only vaguely, that a non-establishment regional party such as his may be able to get the job done.
　しがらみのない地域政党なら何かをやってくれそうだという漠とした期待も生んでいる。

Opinion polls indicate that Osaka Ishin no Kai is picking up considerable popular support as a force capable of injecting fresh air into stale national politics.
　世論調査の結果からも、政治に新風を吹き込む勢力として、維新の会が相当の支持を集めているのは事実だ。

Established political parties should think hard about what it is attracting the public to this Osaka party.
　既成政党は、維新の何が世間を引きつけるのか考えるべきだ。

The underlying reason is the public's mistrust with the current state of politics.
根っこにあるのは、今の政治全体に対する不信感である。

インターネットのまだ無い時代に文通だけでここまで人間関係を構築できているのに驚嘆しました。
スーチーさんは、彼女が受賞したノーベル文学賞はハヴェル氏こそ受賞すべきだったと、彼をたたえています。
ハヴェル氏の最後の手紙は死の数日前に書かれたものですが、日本の笹川 陽平氏によりスーチーさんに届けられたいます。これも何かの因縁でしょうね。
スーチーさんのビルマよりの手紙の中でも、最も理解しやすいものでしたが、それでも、難しい単語は辞書にたよりました。痛く感動させられました。

スラチャイ

Letter from Burma: Vaclav Havel
ビルマよりの手紙：　ヴァーツラフ・ハヴェルの思い出

Aung San Suu Kyi is seen at the National League for Democracy headquarters in Yangon, Burma, in this Oct. 27, 2011 file photo. In the background, is a portrait of her father, General Aung San. (Mainichi)When I decided that the first Letter from Burma of 2012 should be about the late Vaclav Havel, I wondered how I should entitle the article. My thoughts immediately went to the little red heart he usually drew as part of his signature. Perhaps I should write about him as "The Heart President" or "The Heart Leader" or "The Dissident with A Heart" or "The Intellectual with A Heart?" In the end I decided that the name Vaclav Havel alone was more potent and meaningful than any fancy title I could think up.

It was during the first year of my house arrest, 1989, that the name of Vaclav Havel became familiar to me. The Velvet Revolution, the Civic Forum, the electoral victory that turned the premier dissident of Czechoslovakia into the first President of the newly democratic republic: I learnt about it all from my small portable radio and shared in the euphoria of political transformation in that far off land. However, I did not realize at that time that Vaclav Havel would become a personal friend.

It is a little strange to speak of a man I had never met and with whom I had barely corresponded as a personal friend. It was his vigorous and warm personality and his total commitment to the support of movements for democracy and human rights the world over that made his friendship so real and vibrant and made me feel we were linked to one another by close ties of understanding. He nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 because he believed it would help to focus international attention on our struggle. Had he allowed his name to be put forward as a candidate that year I am convinced he would have been the chosen laureate. He surely valued the Nobel Peace Prize, for he would not have wanted to give to the cause of democracy and human rights something on which he did not value himself. But it was a matter of chivalry: "Their need is greater than mine."

When my family were permitted to visit me in 1992, my husband brought me a copy of The Power of the Powerless. I have just flicked quickly through the pages of this now shabby, well-thumbed volume and reread some of the phrases I underlined in the book. "... an examination of the potential of the 'powerless' -- can only begin with an examination of the nature of power in the circumstances in which these powerless people operate ..." "... freedom is indivisible ..." "... not standing up for the freedom of others, regardless of how remote their means of creativity or their attitude to life, meant surrendering one's own freedom ..." "A better system will not automatically create a better life. In fact the opposite is true: only by creating a better life can a better system be developed ..." Ideas that seem simple yet which enmesh with basic human aspirations only when formulated with clarity by an exceptional mind.

A high intellect is no substitute for a generous heart, and it is the latter that I appreciate most in Vaclav Havel. He was a rare dissident, one who did not forget fellow dissidents in remote parts of the world even after he became the Head of State of his own country. His heart was not only generous but appealingly light, expressing its solidarity with ordinary people everywhere in the simplest way. His To the Castle and Back begins with the words: "I've run away. I've run away to America. I've run away for two months with the whole family; that is, with Dasa and our two boxers, Sugar and her daughter Madlenka." The gleeful declaration of flight and the place (right at the heart of the family) that he accorded to his dogs drew me across miles and years into the warm circle of his home. How did a man so far from ordinary manage to retain the common touch?

Vaclav Havel spoke to me once on the telephone, about a year ago. He was already in poor health and his voice was weak but he managed to convey his joy at my release from house arrest and his concern for all of us who were still far from our democratic goal. Even in his final illness he did not forget us. The last letter he wrote to me was placed in my hands a few days after his death by one of his old friends, Mr. Sasakawa Yohei.

"Dear Friend," the letter began, "Over the years I sent you a number of letters inviting you to attend various international conferences and other events that I organized. I did it being perfectly aware that the chances of you attending are non-existent but I still did it out of principle and to remind the authorities that confiscated my letters to you that we constantly think of you and support you." The spirit with which he championed the cause of the oppressed had remained intact. His interest in our struggle, too, had continued strong: "Dear friend, I am following the recent developments in your country with a very, very cautious optimism." He ended his letter on a practical, modest note. "... if there is anything we can do to help -- for example -- and only if you wish -- to share some of our transformational experience with you we shall gladly do it."

I will feel the absence of my friend as we continue along the road he walked before us.

(By Aung San Suu Kyi)
(Mainichi Japan) January 30, 2012

BBCでギリシアの混乱の状態を見ていると、とても今回の二回目の緊急支援を受ける体制ではありません。
額（ひたい）に汗（あせ）して働くことを嫌い、権利だけはめいっぱい主張する、さらに自分たちの主張を通すのに暴力も平気で行使する身勝手さが読み取れました。支援しても彼らが働かなければ同じ結果となります。意識改革が必要だと思いました。

srachai

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 14, 2012)
Greece must show ability to implement austerity steps
ギリシャ緊縮策　危機封じ込めに必要な実行力（2月12日付・読売社説）

Will Greece, the epicenter of the European debt crisis, be able to implement austerity measures to prevent the regional crisis from worsening and spreading?
　欧州危機の封じ込めに向け、痛みを伴う緊縮財政策に取り組めるか。

The country's ability to enforce the measures--which will certainly involve pain--is being tested.
震源地であるギリシャの実行力が問われよう。

The Greek government and coalition parties have agreed to carry out the austerity program required by the European Union and the International Monetary Fund.
　ギリシャ政府と与党は欧州連合（ＥＵ）と国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）から求められていた緊縮策で合意した。

The main pillars of the austerity program are to significantly cut public investment, lower the nation's minimum wage and ax 15,000 public sector jobs.
公共投資の大幅削減、最低賃金の引き下げ、公務員１万５０００人削減などが柱となっている。

In 2010, the EU and IMF decided to provide the first rescue package to Greece to help the country's finances, which had been seriously damaged by irresponsible financial policies in the past. However, the effect of the first rescue package has been limited.
　放漫財政で深刻な危機に陥ったギリシャに対し、ＥＵなどが２０１０年に第１次支援策を決め、資金繰りを支えてきたが、効果は限定的だった。

To receive a 130 billion euros (13 trillion yen) second rescue package, Greece is required to carry out the austerity measures as a step to rebuild its finances.
　１３００億ユーロ（約１３兆円）に上る第２次支援策が実施されるには、ギリシャが財政再建を目指し、緊縮策を実施する必要がある。

The country plans to redeem a huge amount of government bonds on March 20.
　ギリシャは３月２０日に巨額の国債償還を予定している。

If it cannot receive the second rescue package, it will be difficult for the country to redeem the bonds--meaning Greece may plunge into a chaotic default.
２次支援策が得られないと、国債償還ができず、無秩序な債務不履行（デフォルト）に陥りかねない。

It is now in the hands of the Greek government to take the necessary steps to receive the second rescue package. We welcome the heightened possibility that the country will avoid default.
　ギリシャの対応次第で、追加支援が実施され、デフォルトを回避できる公算が大きくなってきたことはひとまず歓迎したい。

===

Waiting on parliament

Now the question is whether the Greek parliament will pass bills related to the austerity measures.
　ただ、問題は、ギリシャが緊縮策の関連法案の成立を果たせるかどうかだ。

Finance ministers of eurozone countries have postponed deciding whether to provide the second rescue package to Greece, saying they will make a final decision on Wednesday after observing parliament's decision.
　ユーロ圏財務相会合は支援決定をいったん先送りし、その結果を見て、１５日に支援を決める。

The finance ministers' persisting skepticism regarding Greece is believed to be the reason they have attached such a condition to providing the rescue package.
財務相会合が「条件付き」の方針を表明したのは、なお不信感を拭えないからだろう。

The Greek government has promised to implement austerity measures on several occasions, but failed to sufficiently fulfill the promises.
　ギリシャは何度も緊縮策を打ち出しながら、十分に実施してこなかった。

The government's halfhearted approach has caused anxiety in financial markets in Europe and other areas, helping credit uncertainty spread from Greece to Italy and other countries.
それが欧州などの金融市場を動揺させ、イタリアなどにも信用不安が飛び火した。

Greek lawmakers must swiftly pass the bills related to the austerity measures to meet the demands of the eurozone countries in providing the rescue package.
　ギリシャは早期に関連法案を可決し、突き付けられた条件をクリアすることが求められる。

The Greek government has reached a substantive agreement with financial institutions to reduce debts owned by the institutions. This will be another favorable wind for Greece to implement the austerity measures.
　ギリシャの債務削減に関し、政府と金融機関との交渉が実質合意したことも追い風になる。

===

Public backlash

One cause of concern is deep-rooted public antipathy toward the austerity measures, illustrated by such actions as the general strikes conducted by Greek labor unions.
　しかし、懸念されるのは、ギリシャ国内にくすぶる緊縮策への根強い反発だ。
労組は抗議のゼネストを実施した。

If the public backlash against austerity measures grows further ahead of a general election scheduled in April, the future of the austerity measures will become more uncertain.
４月にも実施される総選挙を前に、反発が激しさを増せば、不透明感が強まる。

The EU and the IMF should step up their supervision of Greece to avoid further confusion and help the country steadily rebuild its finances.
　これ以上の混乱を回避し、ギリシャが着実に財政再建を実施できるよう、ＥＵとＩＭＦは監視を強化すべきだろう。

Greece's economic downturn is expected to linger after the implementation of the austerity measures.
　緊縮策に伴って、ギリシャの景気悪化が長期化する見通しだ。

It will be an important task for Greece to recover its growth power in the medium- and long-term rebuilding of its finances.
中長期的な財政再建に向け、成長力の回復も重要な課題である。

Resolving the Greek debt crisis is indispensable to containing the European financial crisis and stabilizing financial markets.
　ギリシャ危機を収束させることは、欧州危機封じ込めと市場の安定に欠かせない。

European countries, notably Germany and France, should enhance their cooperation in dealing with the Greek crisis.
独仏両国などは連携を強化して対処すべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 12, 2012)
（2012年2月12日01時10分 読売新聞）

精神科医香山リカさんの記事には時としてイモーショナルにすぎるきらいの記事が多い。
この記事はさしずめその筆頭格だ。
障害者を特別視するのは日本の国民性なのかも知れない。
この理論が犯罪者などに適用されないことを願う。

単なる言い訳に過ぎないと思いました＾＾。

スラチャイ

(Mainichi Japan) February 12, 2012
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: There's no such thing as a 'worthless life'
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：「人類戦士」たち　／東京

There are two phrases that I often come across at my consultation room: "I'm sorry for being alive," and, "My life is worthless."
　診察室でしばしば聞くふたつの言葉に、「生きていて申し訳ない」と「私は生きる価値がない存在です」がある。

In explaining such thoughts, patients say things like: "I suffer from depression so I had to quit my job," "I couldn't fit in at school so I started staying at home," or, "In the end, I started living on welfare assistance."
「うつ病で退職してしまったから」「学校になじめず引きこもりになったから」「ついに生活保護を受給することになったから」など

Although the reasons vary from patient to patient, the most common reason seems to be related to people's inability to work efficiently and provide for themselves after falling physically or mentally ill.
理由はさまざまだが、要は病になってバリバリ働いたり自分の力で生活できなくなったりした自分は、生きる意味も価値もない、と考えての言葉なのだろう。

I usually reject such statements, telling my patients: "That's not true," but at the same time I feel that it's extremely difficult to give them a firm reason to trust my words.
　「いや、そんなことはないですよ」と言いながら、私はいつも「でも、その理由をうまく説明するのはむずかしいな」と感じていた。

It also seems weak to tell them that what is happening is not their fault and that the difficulties they are going through are only a result of their diseases.
「病気なんだから、働けなくても仕方ないですよ」ではなんとなく弱い。

As I was thinking about this, I came across a book that opened my eyes. The book, titled "Omoi shogai o ikiru to iu koto" (Living with serious disabilities) was written by Kiyoshi Takaya, a pediatrician who has worked at a facility for children with heavy disabilities for a long time.
　そんな中、またまた読書を通して目をひらかれる経験をした。その本とは、重症心身障害児施設びわ湖学園で長く働く小児科医、高谷清氏が昨年、出した「重い障害を生きるということ」だ。

In his book, Takaya introduces children who have become bedridden as a result of their disabilities as "mankind's warriors," a reference to a well-known anime series.
その中で高谷氏は、自分ではまったく身体を動かすことができない、いわゆる“寝たきり”の障害児たちを、あるアニメになぞらえて「人類戦士」と表現している。

Takaya says that in order for some species to continue to exist, they have to keep on transforming themselves. ある生物種が死滅せずに存在し続けるためには、絶えず変貌を遂げて行く必要がある。

During that process, it is inevitable that some will develop disabilities.
その変貌の過程では、どうしても「障害」を持つ個体が生まれることもある。

Therefore, children who carry such disabilities have undertaken the task of passing through these inevitable circumstances -- they are, in other words, warriors protecting the rest of mankind.
だから、障害児は人類の障害を引き受けてくれている「人類戦士」だ、と高谷氏は言うのだ。

As I read Takaya's words, I came to think that this does not only apply to children with disabilities.
　これは、心身障害児に限ったことではないはずだ。

For example, among my patients there was a company employee who was diagnosed with depression due to his heavy workload.
たとえば、企業の中で激務を強いられ、うつ病になった人がいた。

As a result of his leave of absence, however, his company decided to reconsider all company employees' workloads, which led to an improvement of the firm's mental health policies.
その企業では、彼の長期休職がきっかけとなり、全社的に働き方を見なおすことになり、メンタルヘルス対策の仕組みが整えられることになった。

Cases of "hikikomori" (social withdrawal) involving children, for example, often stem from family-related problems -- those involving their parents, siblings or other relatives.
子どもの引きこもりの背景には、両親やきょうだいを含むその家庭全体の問題があることも多い。

In this way, these children can also be called "mankind's warriors" for they have -- via their conditions -- taken on other social problems.
そう考えれば、彼らもいまの社会の問題を一身に背負っている「人類戦士」なのだ。

If there were no such people, the rest of us would proudly -- and quite incorrectly -- think that the way things have been done to address certain social issues up till now has been correct.
もし、こういう人たちがいなければ、私たちは「このやり方で間違っていないのだ」と傲慢になって暴走し、

This could lead to major problems that could actually end up affecting many people.
結果的にはより多くの人たちが苦しむことにもなりかねない。

To those suffering from mental diseases: You should know that your current condition is sending a red signal to society, trying to make people notice the existing problems that need to be tackled.
Your life is important for society.
　心の病になった人。あなたは、いまの社会に警告を発し、いろいろな問題を訴えようとしている大切な存在なんですよ。

You didn't become ill because of your personal weakness -- it is a result of your ability to sense existing problems before others can.
あなたは弱いから病になったわけではなくて、世の中の問題を誰よりも早く察知できる、敏感な人たちなんです。

Therefore I ask you -- please, don't ever say that your life is worthless.
だから、「私には意味がない」なんて言わないで……。

If a patient tells me "I'm sorry for being alive" again, I would like to express these thoughts to them, though I don't know how effective I can be.
今度、診察室で「生きていて申し訳ない」と言う人がいたら、こんなことを伝えたいが、うまくいくだろうか。

(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞　2012年2月7日　地方版

かつて、バブル景気盛んな日本でも同じような状態ではなかったのでしょうか。
歴史は繰り返すのです。
こうして、経済的な豊かさを取り戻したあとに、言いようのないむなしさを覚えるのも中国人のお金持ちたちなのです。
かつての日本がそうであったように。
経済的豊かさと精神的豊かさを同時に満足させるのは難しい。
つまるところ、現状をあるがままに受け入れ満足できる人たちが一番幸せなような気がしています。

スラチャイ

Tourism and the fear of locusts
木語：バッタ来襲の恐怖＝金子秀敏
　＜ｍｏｋｕ－ｇｏ＞

Pearl Buck's novel "The Good Earth," set in a farming village in China's Anhui Province, contains a famous scene in which a swarm of locusts blackening the sky attacks the village's crops.
　パール・バックの小説「大地」の舞台は中国安徽省の農村だ。空が暗くなるほど無数のイナゴが飛んできて畑を襲うという有名な場面がある。

In China there is a word for a migratory type of locust written with the characters for "flying" and "locust."
中国語では「飛蝗（ひこう）」という。実はイナゴよりも大きなトノサマバッタの一種だそうだ。

Recently controversy erupted in Hong Kong over an advertisement depicting a locust overlooking the city.
　最近、この恐ろしいバッタが香港の地図の上にとまっているイラストを入れた意見広告が香港紙に掲載され、騒ぎになった。

It was a stab at the trend of pregnant women arriving from mainland China to give birth in Hong Kong, comparing them to a swarm of the insects.
内地からやってくる中国人妊婦をバッタの来襲に見立てているのだ。

If a husband and wife are Chinese nationals, then their child naturally obtains Chinese citizenship, but if the child is born in Hong Kong, then that child obtains Hong Kong residence rights.
　夫と妻の双方が中国人ならその子は当然、中国籍だ。しかし香港で出産すると香港の居住権がとれる。

Because of this, Chinese women of means have occupied Hong Kong's maternity wards, and their children have filled kindergartens and schools.
金持ちや、ちょっと金持ちの中国人妊婦たちによって香港の産科病棟が占領された。病院は満員、こうして生まれた子どもたちで幼稚園や学校もいっぱいだ。

The controversial ad, which directed hostility at what it depicted as locusts laying waste to public facilities for Hong Kong residents, was funded by local Internet users.
　香港人のための公共施設を荒らすバッタに敵意をむき出した意見広告は香港のネットユーザーが出した。

Not surprisingly, Hong Kong authorities warned the organizers over the discriminatory nature of the advertisement, but all the same, it uncovered a deep psychological tendency among the people of Hong Kong.
さすがに香港当局から差別的と警告を受けたが、香港人の深層心理はよく表れている。

As I have mentioned in previous columns, the clash of culture due to the rise of China emerged first in Hong Kong.
　小欄が前回、前々回と取り上げたように、「中国の台頭」による文明の衝突が香港から始まった。

It began after Chinese became wealthy, the restrictions for overseas travel were eased, and Chinese headed to Hong Kong and other destinations to buy luxury items and brand-name products.
　中国人が豊かになった。海外旅行の制限が緩和され、ぜいたく品やブランド品を買いに、香港へ、外国へどっと出てきた。

China now has the world's greatest purchasing power.
　いまや世界一の購買力だ。

When Chinese-made powdered milk is found to be contaminated, people from China travel to Hong Kong and fill their suitcases with foreign-made powdered milk.
中国製粉ミルクが有害だとなると、香港に出てきて外国製粉ミルクをトランクいっぱい詰め込んで帰る。

And while such everyday items are being purchased, rich Chinese are also buying high-rise luxury homes on Hong Kong's coasts.
日用品もさりながら、海を見下ろす超高層の高級マンションを買うのも中国人の富豪たち。

Thanks to this, the Hong Kong economy is performing well.
　おかげで香港経済は活気づいている。

One would expect Hong Kong residents to be happy about this, but difficult emotions are involved.
だから香港人は喜んでいいはずだが、そこは複雑な感情がある。

Until recently, Hong Kong was an international city with million-dollar night views, dubbed by some as the pearl of Asia, while China was a poor country filled with bicycles, closed off behind the "Bamboo Curtain."
ちょっと前まで香港は、１００万ドルの夜景、アジアの真珠とたたえられた国際都市だった。一方の中国は「竹のカーテン」に閉ざされた、自転車ばかりが走る貧しい国だった。

Symbolic of the change is the Dolce & Gabbana incident in January.
　１月の「Ｄ＆Ｇ事件」が象徴的だった。

The famous Italian fashion house opened a major store in a shopping district of Hong Kong.
イタリアの有名ブランドが香港の繁華街に大型店を出した。

But when Hong Kong residents tried to take snapshots in front of the store, they were sent on their way.
香港市民が店の前で記念写真を撮ろうとすると追い払われた。

The store was not targeting locals as customers, but rather those from mainland China.
この店は、地元は相手にしておらず、狙いは中国人客なのだ。

Hong Kong residents, their pride bruised, began protests.
自尊心を傷つけられた香港人が抗議デモを起こした。

Countries across the world are now trying to attract Chinese tourists.
　世界各国が中国人観光客の呼び込みをはかっている。

The number of foreign tourists to Japan dropped markedly after the March 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami, but Chinese tourist numbers are said to have recovered rapidly.
日本に来る外国人観光客は東日本大震災で激減したが、中国人観光客の数は急速に回復したという。

This is happy news for Japan, which is trying to build itself up through tourism.
観光立国を目指す日本にとって喜ばしいことだ。

Unless people in Japan are conscious of this, the same type of friction seen in Hong Kong will happen here, too.
しかし、そういう意識を自覚していないと香港のような摩擦が起きる。

（専門編集委員）
(By Hidetoshi Kaneko, Expert Senior Writer)
(Mainichi Japan) February 11, 2012
毎日新聞　2012年2月9日　東京朝刊

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 11, 2012)
Promote active discussions on revising Constitution
９条と自衛隊　憲法改正へ論議の活性化を（2月10日付・読売社説）

It is necessary to advance discussions on revising the Constitution to bring it in line with reality, based on the historical background of discussions over the Self-Defense Forces.
　歴史的な経緯を踏まえて、現実に合致した憲法に改正するための議論を進めることが必要だ。

At the House of Representatives Budget Committee, former Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba of the Liberal Democratic Party recently asked Defense Minister Naoki Tanaka why the SDF is constitutional.
　衆院予算委員会で自民党の石破茂・元防衛相が田中防衛相に自衛隊合憲の根拠をただした。

Ishiba suggested that the so-called Ashida revision provides legal justification for the SDF.
「芦田修正」がその根拠ではないかとも指摘した。

Tanaka was hard-pressed for an answer and only said: "I don't understand that point. I'd like to understand it by respectfully listening to your knowledge."
　田中氏は、答弁に窮し、「その点、私は理解していない。先生のご知見を拝聴しながらよく理解したい」と述べるにとどまった。

The Ashida revision is named after Hitoshi Ashida, who in 1946 advocated a revision to the section concerning renunciation of war at a subcommittee of the House of Representatives committee that discussed a bill to revise the then existing Constitution of the Empire of Japan. Ashida was chairman of the committee.
　芦田修正とは、憲法改正を論議した１９４６年の衆院帝国憲法改正案委員会小委員会で芦田均委員長が主唱し、実現したものだ。

The draft revision bill said in Paragraph 1 of Article 9 that Japan renounces wars of aggression, and in Paragraph 2 it stipulated war potential will never be maintained.
　原案は９条１項で侵略戦争を放棄し、２項で戦力不保持を明記していた。

Under the Ashida revision, the words "In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph" were inserted in the beginning of Paragraph 2.
２項の冒頭に「前項の目的を達するため」を挿入した。

Because of this revision, there arose in later years an interpretation of the Constitution that holds Japan can possess war potential such as land, sea and air forces for self-defense.
　これにより、自衛の目的であるならば、陸海空軍の戦力を持ち得るとする解釈論が後年、生まれることになる。

===

'Minimum' overemphasized

However, successive governments' interpretation of the Constitution has not used the Ashida revision as a legal basis for viewing the SDF as constitutional.
　だが、政府解釈は、芦田修正を自衛隊合憲の根拠としてこなかった。

The government has been consistent in its view that maintaining the SDF does not violate the Constitution as long as it is "an armed organization kept to the minimum necessary" for self-defense.
自衛のための「必要最小限度の実力組織」であれば、憲法に反しないとの見解で一貫している。

In other words, the government's interpretation is that the SDF is not the war potential that is banned under the Constitution.
自衛隊は、憲法の禁じる「戦力」ではないというわけである。

Tanaka is under fire for lacking basic knowledge concerning defense issues. As the defense minister, he should have been able to explain the historical background.
　「防衛問題の基本的な知識に欠ける」との批判を浴びる田中氏だが、防衛相なら本来、そうした経緯も含めて説明すべきだった。

However, the government should not cling to its conventional approach of trying to make its position sound plausible.
　ただし、従来の、つじつまあわせのような政府見解を墨守すればよいわけではない。

===

Times have changed

The security environment around Japan has significantly changed from the time when the Constitution was established.
　日本を取り巻く安全保障環境は憲法制定時から様変わりした。

The conventional interpretation of the Constitution regarding the SDF now hurts national interests.
自衛隊を巡る憲法解釈は、今や国益を害する事態を招いている。

A typical example is the government's interpretation of the nation's right to collective self-defense.
　典型的なのが、集団的自衛権である。

It states that Japan has such a right but cannot exercise it because doing so exceeds the scope of the "minimum necessary."
権利を有しているが、行使は「必要最小限度の範囲」を超えるため許されない――

This interpretation constrains the SDF's cooperative activities with U.S. forces and other countries' militaries, and hampers deepening the Japan-U.S. alliance.
この解釈は米軍などとの協調行動を制約し、日米同盟の深化を妨げている。

The government's view, which developed in the Cabinet Legislation Bureau after World War II, should immediately be reviewed at the initiative of elected officials.
　内閣法制局が戦後積み重ねてきた政府見解こそ、政治主導で早急に見直すべきである。

There is a great discrepancy between Article 9 and reality.
　憲法９条と現実との乖離(かいり)は大きい。

All in all, it is right and proper to squarely work on a constitutional revision to give the SDF a clear status.
やはり、自衛隊を明確に位置づけるため、正面から憲法改正に取り組むのが筋だろう。

In its proposal to revise the Constitution in 2004, The Yomiuri Shimbun said that the Constitution should stipulate Japan may possess armed forces for self-defense even while preserving the pacifism aspect of Article 9.
　読売新聞は２００４年の憲法改正試案で、９条の平和主義は継承し、「自衛のための軍隊の保持」を明記することを提起している。

Based on the government's interpretation of Article 9 and criticism against it, we hope each political party will deepen discussions of what Article 9 should be at the Deliberative Council on the Constitution of each chamber of the Diet.
　政府解釈とそれに対する批判を踏まえて、各党は衆参両院の憲法審査会で９条の在り方について大いに議論を深めてもらいたい。

Article 9 is not the only issue on which revision to the Constitution is called for.
　改正の論点は９条にとどまらない。

Although there is a gap between political parties' views of the Constitution, discussions on the top law, which is the foundation of the nation, must not stagnate.
各党間で考え方の開きはあるが、国の根幹である憲法の論議を停滞させてはならない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 10, 2012)
（2012年2月10日01時16分 読売新聞）